Africa Forward Fest is the cultural festival organised at l'Alliance Française de Nairobi - the French cultural centre in the Kenya capital, ahead of the political and business forum 'Africa Forward'.
The festival showcases writers from all over Africa, creating stories in different languages.
Tracy Ochieng is a moderator at the Africa Forward Fest and hosted a session on Gen Z in Kenya, and another one with Eritrean author Donica Merhazion.
Donica Merhazion left Eritrea as a refugee for Kenya, lived later in the US, then came back to Kenya 15 years ago with her family. 'Born at the End of the World' is her first book.
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More soon on RFI English
Still reporting from Nairobi...
Yesterday's story:
Technology — and in particular digital innovation and artificial intelligence — is booming in Kenya.
To tap into that growth, the French Embassy has set up a dedicated hub called French Tech Nairobi, backing new businesses and start-ups locally, with an eye on expanding that support across the rest of Africa.
Brandon Opondo and Michael Mbae are two of the members. They studied in Paris at Sciences Po and now work back home in Nairobi.
More on our RFI English channels on Monday!
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Hello from Kenya!
I'm working on a first story on electric vehicles production in Nairobi, how it helps bringing cleaner transport in the city but also elsewhere in the country and beyond, in Africa.
I visited the headquarter of eWaka, met with its two co-founder, Celeste and Jimmy...
...as well as the large factory of Roam Electric, near Nairobi National Park.
Friendly, busy people, hard at work to change transport one vehicle at a time!
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More soon in my podcast, articles, videos for RFI English
What to expect from France's 'Africa Forward' summit in Nairobi, Kenya?
Explainer:
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Dear friends and readers,
Hope you’ve been well…
After Senegal, South Africa, Morocco, Côte d’Ivoire, my job is now sending me to Kenya, a place where I was a freelance correspondent over a decade ago, covering aso Uganda, Ethiopia and Somalia.
I learned a lot about how bias our western news cycles are, how enormous and diverse Africa is, how badly represented as well, and these lessons can impact anything we read and enlighten all our leaders decisions…
Yet, a lot has changed between 2012 and 2026.
As Macron’s France promises to be a new form of better partner for the continent, can it convince? Is it even needed?
Let’s dive… then look at other parts of the continent, and of the world.
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In this episode this week, we’re in London to talk about the history of African and Afro-Caribbean music in Britain. Centuries of Black music-making in the country is highlighted at the latest iteration of the world renowned Victoria & Albert Museum, the V&A East, which opened on 18 April in London's neighbourhood of Stratford.
The museum’s first exhibition, titled 'The Music is Black: A British Story', and offers a survey of Black music linked the UK, starting with early drumbeats brought back from Africa and going up to the latest innovations in popular music on the island.
Black British music takes centre stage as London's V&A East opens doors
From Africa to England, via the Caribbean and North America, black music also shows how the contribution of the people of African descent still resonates in the United Kingdom, from reggae to rap and grime, an East-London-born contemporary Black British musical genre that has enabled young people to create a sense of belonging, while connecting to a global audience.
In this episode you hear the director of the museum, Gus Casely-Hayford, about how he imagined a space that would attract visitors from all over the world, including from some of the most popular and multicultural parts of London.
Lovers rock, two-tone, rocksteady, dub, trip hop, garage, drill, dub, ska, drum & bass, jungle, grime... all these music genres emerged in the UK influence by African and Caribbean music after it had travelled to the West Indies and the British Empire in general, then came to the island, especially after WWI and WWII.
But the story began way before then, so, the genres presented in the exhibitions also include classical music, jazz, soul, funk and rock’n’roll.
You can here a longer interview with the head curator of exhibition, Jacqueline Springer, a former music journalist herself turned lecturer and events curator, about how she and her team organised a display that spans centuries of history, up to our days and the latest innovation in music, including the current exchange with African producers and songwriters.
"The stories in Act III are what inspired the title 'The Music is Black: A British Story'. This is the British story," said Springer.
For instance, the sound system culture from Jamaica and reggae came to Coventry and Bristol. "Then that's smoothed out for trip hop, which still has the ingredients of turn-tablism, of singing like lovers rock," Springer adds, "but there's a political undertone, but there's also an emotional interrogation."
The exhibition also shows how musicians from Nigeria, Ghana, Jamaica, Guyana and other former British colonies, found a place to produce their music in Britain, like Sade (born Helen Folasade Adu in 1959 in Ibadan in Nigeria), Seal, the Mad Professor (born in Guyana), or more recently Little Simz, Arlo Parks, Sekpta and Stormzy.
In the episode, we dig into the history of the genres invited outside London, like the Bristol sound, invented in the 1990s, with and around the rapper and producer Tricky, whose family members have roots in Jamaica, Africa and England
Finally, we also go to the city to hear how the producer Tim Norfolk, of the duo The Insects, is releasing a record produced there in 1994 with the late Zimbabwean singer-songwriter Biggie Tembo, leader of the then successful Bhundu Boys, never heard in over 30 years.
Spotlight on Africa is produced by RFI's English language service. Episode edited and mixed by Melissa Chemam and Erwan Rome.
The men of the Russian Africa Corps have now left Kidal, in the north, with their equipment and the city is under the complete control of JNIM and the FLA.
This move has not gone down well with a Malian official, who spoke to RFI's regional correspondent, Serge Daniel, calling it a "failure".
"The Russians betrayed us in Kidal," According to this official, who is claiming that the regional governor warned the Russian mercenaries "three days before the attack", but that "they did nothing."
In reality, they might even have already negotiated their departure.
In other northern locations, the Russians are also reportedly preparing to leave, which would further weaken regular Malian troops.
Swift withdrawal
The simultaneous attacks launched on Saturday by an alliance between JNIM (made of al Qaeda-linked militants) and separatist Tuareg rebels hit multiple targets including the capital's airport and the northern city of Kidal, a Tuareg stronghold.
While Russian paramilitary from the Africa Corps (ex-Wagner) were positioned in the city, they drove out in the desert, over a thousand kilometres away, instead of fighting the assaillants.
The mercenaries of Africa Corps then officially requested and received the green light from the new rulers of Kidal to leave the region, on Sunday.
This withdrawal further weakens the regular troops on the ground, and Kidal is now under rebel control.
The Tuareg had been driven out of the city in November 2023 by the Malian army with the help of similar Russian mercenaries, but had spent years trying to come back.
Russia's foreign ministry said that efforts to eliminate the insurgents were ongoing. But it remains unclear where the fighting leaves Russia's commitment to Mali.
Weak reassurances
Mali's current Prime Minister Abdoulaye Maïga addressed the nation on Monday in an attempt to reassure the Malian population two days after the attacks started.
He also paid tribute to Defense Minister Sadio Camara, killed Saturday in Kati, and asserted that the jihadists' plans had failed.
But the scale of the offensive on the multiple sites - around the capital Bamako and at least three towns across the vast West African country - demonstrated an unprecedented ability to coordinate fighters from different groups with different goals and strike at the heart of the military government, according to analysts.
The rather limited response from the Malian junta also causes concern in Mali. The head of the junta, Assimi Goïta, remains out of sight and silent, supposedly hiding in a secure location.
Jean-Hervé Jézéquel, director of the Sahel project at the International Crisis Group, told RFI that, even if it's necessary to protect the leader, rumours are growing on how the junta could survive the blow.
The attacks clearly demonstrate reach, Justyna Gudzowska, executive director of The Sentry, an investigative and policy group, also told Reuters. "(It) tells every Malian, every regional capital, and every foreign partner that JNIM can operate at will inside the supposedly secure heart of the state."
Threats to power
For now, the Islamists appear focused on consolidating their gains, recruiting fighters and gaining political traction in Mali - as Islamist rebels did in Syria - rather than carrying out attacks abroad or hitting foreign interests in the region.
Corinne Dufka, an expert on the Sahel region, said the weekend offensive had moved the needle on JNIM's military and political demands, exposed Mali's intelligence failures and the efficacy of its partnership with Russia, and also demonstrated the formidable military capacity of JNIM and its Tuareg allies.
"After nearly 20 years of military interventions by the US, French, European, African and Russian partners, the jihadists have only multiplied their areas of operation," Dufka told Reuters, adding that if the situation were to deteriorate and the jihadist groups veered from their current local agenda, they might eventually threaten countries beyond Mali's borders.
Yvan Guichaoua, a Sahel specialist at German research centre bicc, said the attacks on military and government targets were intended to "decapitate" leadership and paralyse the chain of command and decision making.
According to Dufka, JNIM appears increasingly inspired by Syria's transformation and is seeking to distance itself from its al Qaeda core and "terrorist" label by governing with parallel systems of justice, taxation and policing in areas it controls.
As a result, she urged international actors to find ways of engaging in some kind of dialogue. "There appears to be no military solution to this conflict," she said.
(with Reuters)
My latest:
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| Tuareg rebels of the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) coalition ride on the back of a pickup truck in Kidal, on April 26, 2026 - AFP |
Gunfire was still heard all of Sunday in Kati, a military stronghold for the junta, near the capital, Bamako.
In addition to General Sadio Camara, the junta's Defence Minister, several other people were killed.
According to RFI's information from our regional correspondent, Serge Daniel, at least one civilian was found dead near the northern entrance to the city later on Sunday.
The regional al Qaeda affiliate, Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin, known as JNIM, cooperated with a Tuareg-dominated rebel group to carry out these simultaneous attacks in over half a dozen places across the country, as confirmed officially by both groups.
"The events represent the most coordinated offensive in Mali in recent years, involving fighters from the al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and Tuareg-led rebels from the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), who have simultaneously targeted multiple highly strategic locations, including Bamako, Kati, Mopti, Sévaré, Gao, Bourem, and Kidal," Heni Nsaibia, the Senior West Africa Analyst at ACLED (Armed Conflict Location & Event Data), said.
"What stands out is not only the scale, but the deliberate selection of targets, he added. "Kati and Bamako are the heart of the regime, making any militant advances there particularly significant."
Kati is still reeling from the attacks. The assailants used a truck packed with explosives to attack, striking the minister's house and neighbouring homes, including a nearby mosque.
In the north of the country, the city of Kidal has fallen back under rebel control.
These had been driven out in November 2023 by the Malian army and Russian mercenaries, but had spent years trying to come back.
The Russian mercenaries of Africa Corps (ex-Wagner) requested and received the green light on Sunday from the new rulers of Kidal to leave the region.
This withdrawal further weakens the regular troops on the ground.
The populations, for their part, are worried about potential added violence and fear even greater instability.
The African Union (AU) Commission Chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf on Saturday expressed "deep concern" over the attacks. The chairperson is closely following security developments, and "strongly" condemned these acts, "which risk exposing civilian populations to significant harm."
The European Union and the West African regional body Ecowas also condemned these attacks, as well as neighbouring Senegal's President, Bassirou Diomaye Faye.
According to Étienne Fakaba Sissoko, academic and spokesperson for the Coalition of Forces for the Republic (led by Imam Mahmoud Dicko, currently in exile in Algiers), "the junta is disoriented," as he told RFI's Christophe Boisbouvier. "We don't know who is ruling Mali."
"For several years now, we've been saying that the military strategy implemented by the transitional government was flawed," Sissoko continues.
"A purely military approach hasn't yielded tangible results in recent years, and outsourcing the country's security to Russian mercenaries was a danger that needed to be avoided. So, we weren't listened to. And now, unfortunately, the consequences of the government's strategy are being felt on the ground."
General Sadio Camara was the one who had worked to bring Wagner to Mali. He had studied in Russia and spoke Russian.
"He was also the main person responsible for the events of 21 May, 2021, when the second coup took place, therefore he was an important link in the junta's apparatus," the academic added.
Meanwhile, there has been no news of the junta's leader, General Assimi Goïta.
"What is clear is that his silence demonstrates how disoriented he is, how disoriented the government is, and that the country is now adrift, in a state of utter desolation," Sissoko concludes.
The country is currently facing a very uncertain future, with a potential partition of the north, and no real executive power in charge.
"We don't know who is governing; we don't know who is in charge, who is making the decisions, and how it all works," Sissoko underlines.
He also insists that there is a real risk of increased jihadist violence, and insists that "the junta must leave in order to open up new perspectives."
In Kati, economic activity is slow to resume. For a trader in the city's main market, the situation is not reassuring, as the markets remain closed and traders still live in fear.
"We were scared. They started early in the morning. No one dared to go outside. The noise of the explosions was so loud that everyone stayed indoors," he told RFI, anonymously.
Locals then heard that some of the terrorists had escaped. Between Saturday and Sunday, the night was peaceful, but early Sunday morning, the grunfire started again.
"Now things are slowly calming down, but the market is still closed," the trader continues. "No shopkeeper has dared to open their store. No one has gone to the market. People are only just starting to venture out of their homes to go for a walk in town."
Fifteen kilometers away, calm reigns in Mali's capital, Bamako. But people worry.
In Mopti, in the centre of the country, anxiety prevails too, even though activities are gradually resuming, locals told RFI.
Inhabitants urge the military authorities to do everything in their power to restore peace and security to the people of Mopti.
The nationwide spread and importance of the locations attacked point to a "coordinated attempt to seriously challenge state authority", ACLED's
Nsaibia said, at both the centre and the periphery, and potentially to undermine the regime’s hold on power.
"While JNIM and the FLA appear to have gained momentum, the situation remains highly fluid and rapidly evolving."
The attacks represent "a major escalation in the conflict, a new stage reached by armed groups in the strategy that has driven them in recent years to attack Mali’s main urban centres", International Crisis Group also said.
Whether the Malian armed forces and their Russian partners can regain control will be essential—not only militarily, but for the survival of the regime in Bamako, Nsaibia concludes.
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Read also:
Why the Sahel is now the world’s deadliest region for terrorism
Fears for the future in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso over Ecowas withdrawal
Listen to:
Spotlight on Africa: Africa faces security worries
