18/07/2025

'Standing by the ruins' - Dana Awartani at Arnolfini arts, Bristol

 

Very timely, inspiring and heartbreaking exhibition by Palestinian Saudi multidisciplinary artist Dana Awartani at Arnolfini arts, Bristol: 'Standing by the ruins', on cultural erasure, emotional connections to landscapes and healing memories in Arab cultures, from Syria to Palestine via Iraq... 





The exhibition features key works including Come, let me heal your wounds. Let me mend your broken bones (2024), commissioned for the 2024 Venice Biennale, alongside the new commission Standing by the Ruins III (2025). 




This latest work, created with a collective of craftsmen from Riyadh who specialise in adobe earth restoration, rebuilds the intricate Ottoman-influenced floor design of Gaza’s Hamam al-Sammara – once among the region’s oldest bathhouses, now believed to have been destroyed by the ongoing bombardment of Gaza by the Israeli military.




"Standing by the ruins brings together existing works with a major new commission in a moving exploration of love and loss, destruction and the passage of time," the gallery said. 



"Awartani – a Palestinian-Saudi artist – addresses the physical loss of cultural heritage through the lens of abandoned, destroyed and vanishing places. Working across painting, installation, textiles, performance and film, she draws attention to both the human act of making and human loss, reflecting upon the ravages of conflict within the Middle East and architectural modernisation ingrained with colonial legacy." 



28 June - 28 September 2025, 11:00 - 18:00 

Free entry (suggested donation £5)


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Photos by myself

Donald Locke at Spike Island gallery, Bristol

 

The first major survey exhibition of Guyanese-British artist Donald Locke (1930–2010) is currently on display at the Spike Island art gallery in Bristol

His work drew a strong path to explore issues linked history, identity and the threads of the British empire through time and space. 

His paintings and sculptures offer reflections on the legacies of colonialism, in his native Guyana and beyond, but also the racial politics of the American Civil War, exploring plantation architecture and military domination through additions of photographs and collage techniques.

According to the curator, "Locke wanted to give form and visibility to the unique and hybrid contributions of Black culture to modernity, which is evident in the broad range of materials and stylistic approaches that he adopted throughout his career."

The works are so strong and their presentation is really powerful.

Visual insight here:











Born and raised in Guyana, Locke first moved to the UK in the 1950s and studied at Bath Academy of Art and Edinburgh School of Art. He then lived between London and Georgetown for the next twenty years, before settling in the United States in the late 1970s.

His son Hew Locke, became a wonderful artist too. I had the chance to interview him at Tate Britain in 202" (you can read my article for Art UK here) and to present a conversation with him at the Royal Academy the following year.




17/07/2025

Substack newsletter: New Post

 

From Bristol, with Bogotá and Gaza on my mind

Summer should be a time for joy and restful adventures. Let's see if we can do that despite the state of the world.





From Bristol, with Bogotá and Gaza on my mind

Summer should be a time for joy and restful adventures. Let's see if we can do that despite the state of the world.



16/07/2025

Save Café Kino

 





 Café Kino needs your support!

https://www.crowdfunder.co.uk/p/save-cafe-kino?fbclid=PAZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAafwAQbncpSpIkRjO-Ar5gFTBEFCGF10NhGv7X_uJpx-hyRn6BPzg3sn47st1Q_aem_kgkVzBLX4EArEWH0n8ri5A


After 20 amazing years of serving our community in Stokes Croft, Café Kino is at a critical crossroads. Like so many independent spaces, they’ve been hit hard by the ongoing financial crisis—and now need help to keep this vital community space alive.

Kino has always been more than just a café. It’s a home for creativity, connection, and inclusivity, and they’re determined not only to save it but to transform it into an even more vibrant hub for the future.

With support, Kino could be saved from closure, renovated, enhance the café and event spaces and continue providing a space to gather, create, and inspire.

Every contribution—big or small—brings them closer to securing Café Kino’s future. 

If you can’t donate, sharing this post with your network makes a huge difference!

Time is running out, so please, if in Bristol and in love with Kino like I am, join in saving this cherished community space.

PLEASE DONATE ✨💖


Link to DONATE : 

https://www.crowdfunder.co.uk/p/save-cafe-kino?fbclid=PAZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAafwAQbncpSpIkRjO-Ar5gFTBEFCGF10NhGv7X_uJpx-hyRn6BPzg3sn47st1Q_aem_kgkVzBLX4EArEWH0n8ri5A




15/07/2025

...to laugh or cry?

 

   "These days, all I talk about and think about is the cognitive dissonance required to move through the world. Increasingly, I struggle to disentangle my many selves, to get on with the day. All my selves weep often. I try to have grace. I tell my friends that I’m no longer sure how anyone just drifts through the days, the months, without acknowledging the horrors. I imagine what it must be like to be able to turn off the parts of the world that unsettle you. It must feel like existing in an animated universe that adheres to cartoon physics: you fall from an inconceivable height and, landing, a cloud of dust billows up from the ground, but then you shake yourself off and keep moving."


>> From this New Yorker essay:

Zohran Mamdani and Mahmoud Khalil Are in on the Joke

What it feels like to laugh when the world expects you to disappear.

https://www.newyorker.com/news/essay/zohran-mamdani-and-mahmoud-khalil-are-in-on-the-joke






14/07/2025

Massacres, Starvation and Plan for Concentration Camps

 

Do I need to write again here that I'm totally devastated not only by the horrors happening in Gaza and the occupied territories in the West Bank but by how our governments do literally nothing to stop them?

Well, if I need to, then here I say it again.

I grew up through times where I learn German from 10 years old, as part of France and Germany's peace plans to never let wars, chaos and crimes against humanity rip us apart again. I cried over the details of history of the Holocaust and the crimes in Bosnia as a teenager.

At 25, one of my first important freelance commissioned report was to meet Nobel Prize winner for literature and Holocaust survivor Imre Kertesz in Berlin, when I covered the first German commemorations of their own defeat in 1945 took place. I cried reading his books, I cried seeing the film adaptation of his novel 'Fateless'.

The following year, one of my first important one-year-long job was as a researcher and communication person for a Haitian filmmaker who had just directed a film on the genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda.

Ten years later, after working in the Americas and in Africa, I worked with him again on a project on extermination in general, all over the world, that became a mini-series for HBO titled 'Exterminate All the Brutes', inspired by the writing of Joseph Konrad, Roxanne Dunbar Ortiz, Sven Lindqvist and Michel-Rolph Trouillot, especially his text 'Silencing the Past'. 

How many times did we say 'never again'?

Yet, it is happening again, in too many places. And it's haunting me daily.

AS much as I've done my part to cover the situations in Sudan for RFI English and in Gaza for them and for other publications, it's so not enough... 


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For those who are still debating on the right words to define the crimes, some details from Democracy Now:


"War on Children": Doctor in Gaza on Massacres,
Starvation and Israel's Plan for Concentration Camps




The official death toll in Gaza has topped 58,000, with Israeli forces continuing to shoot at Palestinians seeking aid and talks over a ceasefire agreement stalled in Doha. 

This morning's injured were taken to Nasser Hospital, the largest functioning hospital in Gaza, facing fuel shortages and a widening Israeli offensive in the area. 

Democracy Now! spoke with Dr. Tarek Loubani, an emergency room physician who has been volunteering in Nasser Hospital in Gaza since June, live from Gaza. 

"Every day seems to be a new exercise in the depths of human depravity in terms of targeting men, boys, women and children, especially in terms of the youngest children," says Loubani. "I think every doctor who operates and works in Palestine will tell you that that's the most jarring, the most terrible part of our job, is just the war on children on every level." 


Democracy Now! is an independent global news hour that airs on over 1,500 TV and radio stations Monday through Friday.


Camélia Jordana - 'Win Rak'

 



Ça y est, la lumière est éteinteDedans, je sens battre mon poulsJ'ai le souvenir de ton étreinteÇa se voit, j'ai le rose aux joues
Moi, tout me ramène à toiLà, je sens ta main dans la mienneJusqu'à l'odeur de ton cou
Je me bats, vois comme je me démèneJe ne suis plus que l'ombre de moi-mêmeJour après jour, je te cherche mi amorPеro yo no tengo el espacio еn mi cuerpo por este dolor
عندي حب كبيربالصح تروح بعيد عليّاخليت في قلبي كيّة وأنا بيك مبليةيا حالي روح عني، غيابك ما هنانييا عمري وين راك؟ وين راك؟ وين راك؟

Toi seul pour me consolerEnvolé ton rire, ta niyaJ'sais même pas comment t'as fait pour m'ensorcelerJ'suis finie, ehhey eliyaToi aussi t'es piqué, n'essaie pas d'nierMaintenant nos cœurs n'font que saigner

يا عمري نحبك ولي ليا، ولي ليا، ولي ليا
Je me bats, vois comme je me démèneJe ne suis plus que l'ombre de moi-mêmeJour après jour, je te cherche mi amorPero yo no tengo el espacio en mi cuerpo por este dolor

عندي حب كبيربالصح تروح بعيد عليّاخليت في قلبي كيّة وأنا بيك مبليةيا حالي روح عني، غيابك ما هنانييا عمري وين راك؟ وين راك؟ وين راك؟




13/07/2025

To Bogotá

 


To Bogotá

 

 

This week, more than 25 states from around the world will gather in Bogotá, Colombia, for the “Emergency Conference” to halt the Gaza genocide: the most ambitious multilateral response since Israel began its campaign of devastation two years ago.

 

Jointly convened by Colombia and South Africa, The Hague Group’s Co-Chairs, the conference brings together states far beyond the boundaries of the Group — from Algeria to Brazil, China to Spain, Indonesia to Qatar — “to move from condemnation to collective action,” in the words of Colombian President Gustavo Petro.


"The Palestinian genocide threatens our entire multilateral system," Petro’s Vice Foreign Minister, Mauricio Jaramillo Jassir, said ahead of the conference.


The conference will culminate on 16 July with a mass mobilisation in support of The Hague Group in Plaza Bolívar.


 


Transnational solidarity



 

That threat only grew in urgency this week, when the Trump administration imposed sanctions on UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, targeting her for what US Secretary of State Marco Rubio called her "illegitimate and shameful efforts" to promote International Criminal Court action against US American and Israeli officials.

 

But the sanctions have only steeled resolve. 


Amnesty International's Secretary General, Agnès Callamard, condemned the move as "a shameless and transparent attack on the fundamental principles of international justice."

 

Refusing to retreat, Albanese is now headed to Bogotá. 


"I am honoured to travel to Bogotá in support of the Hague Group and its pursuit of justice and peace — grounded in rights and freedoms — that an increasing number of countries are finally embracing after decades of empty political rhetoric," she said. 


She will present expert testimony to the assembled states, joining other UN Special Rapporteurs in briefings that will inform coordinated legal and diplomatic measures.


“The Bogotá conference will go down as the moment in history that states finally stood up to do the right thing,” she added, calling the formation of The Hague Group the “most significant political development of the last 20 months.”

 

President Petro has already taken a stand for Albanese. “All my solidarity with Francesca Albanese. The multilateral system of states cannot be destroyed,” he said on Wednesday.

 

"The choice before us is stark and unforgiving," he also wrote in the Guardian this week. "We can either stand firm in defence of the legal principles that seek to prevent war and conflict, or watch helplessly as the international system collapses under the weight of unchecked power politics."

 

For South Africa, too, the stakes are existential for international law. Roland Lamola, South Africa's minister of international relations and cooperation, said that the formation of The Hague Group marked "a turning point in the global response to exceptionalism and the broader erosion of international law." That same spirit, said Lamola, "will animate this Bogota conference, where the assembled states will send a clear message: no nation is above the law, and no crime will go unanswered."



Concrete steps


 

Members have already taken concrete steps over the past 20 months. South Africa brought a landmark case against Israel at the International Court of Justice for alleged violations of the Genocide Convention. Several states later joined South Africa's case, including Bolivia, Colombia and Namibia. Namibia and Malaysia blocked ships carrying arms to Israel from docking at their ports, while Colombia severed diplomatic ties with the Israeli government and suspended coal exports.

 

The conference now calls on states to make good on their obligations under international law — and fast. 


Last September, the United Nations General Assembly voted to take action on "Israel's policies and practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory" with a 12-month deadline to deliver concrete obligations — investigations, prosecutions, sanctions, asset freezes, and cessation of imports and arms. The clock is now ticking.

 

"While we may face threats of retaliation when we stand up for international law — as South Africa discovered the United States retaliated for its case at the International Court of Justice — the consequences of abdicating our responsibilities will be dire," Petro warned this week. "If we fail to act now, we not only betray the Palestinian people; we become complicit in the atrocities committed by Netanyahu's government."

 

Over the course of two days in the Palacio San Carlos in downtown Bogotá, delegates will meet with renowned international experts, UN officials, and Palestinian organisations — before the closed-door session to deliberate concrete measures. As Vice Minister Jaramillo Jassir explained, "the assembled states will not only reaffirm our commitment to resist the genocide, but devise a series of specific measures to move from words to collective action."

 

In this historic plaza — named for Simón Bolívar, the liberator who once dreamed of a united Latin America free from imperial domination — a global chorus will call for the end of the era of impunity. 


"For the billions of people in the Global South who rely on international law for protection, the stakes could not be higher," Petro has warned. "The Palestinian people deserve justice. The moment demands courage."

 

Many hope the call from Plaza Bolívar will echo around the world.  


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Source: Progressive International  

12/07/2025

The only read I care about

 

What a strange week... Like we're all collectively powerless. I don't have the courage to write just write now, so I'll share this piece instead...


From Srebrenica to Gaza: Genocide Denial and the Long Struggle for Justice On the 30th anniversary of the largest mass killing in Europe since 1945, Martin Shaw compares it with how the West is now treating the ongoing genocide in Gaza





July 11 is an international day of commemoration for the thirtieth anniversary of the Srebrenica Genocide, the largest mass killing in Europe since 1945. In mid-July 1995, over 8,000 Bosnian Muslim (Bosniak) men and boys were murdered by the VRS, the army of Republika Srpska (RS), the statelet which Bosnian-Serbian nationalists, in conjunction with the Serbian government, had carved out of Bosnia-Herzegovina during the previous three years. 

The International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the United Nations and most states have now recognised Srebrenica as a genocide.

The RS leader, Radovan Karadžić, and VRS commander Ratko Mladić, who oversaw the massacre, are both serving life terms for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, which include Srebrenica.

The Serbian leader Slobodan Milošević, who instigated the genocidal conquest of Bosnia in 1992 after a campaign in Croatia in 1991, was facing similar charges when he died in ICTY custody in 2006. 

Recognition and Denial

The international recognition of the “Srebrenica Genocide” appears to contrast with the denial of Israel’s current genocide in Gaza. Yet Srebrenica was also comprehensively denied at the time and continues to be denied by Serbia.

Basic knowledge of the killings, the intention of Serbian leaders to execute so many people, and the extent of Western complicity, all had to be painstakingly exposed over many years. Karadžić and Mladić were on the run for a decade and a half before being caught in 2008 and 2011.

It was not only the international trials and the excavation of the victims’ bodies (which the perpetrators had tried to hide) which has largely overcome the denial. The determined campaigning of women survivors has also played a crucial role; although women from Srebrenica were raped and murdered in 1995, most were bussed out while their menfolk, columns of whom tried to flee the Serbian forces, were hunted down and slaughtered – some in methodical executions after being forced to dig their own graves. The Mothers of Srebrenica have been fighting for justice ever since.

Equally, the Serbian nationalists were not the only ones responsible for the Srebrenica killings. In 1993, when Serbians were already threatening to overrun the town, in which thousands of Bosnian refugees were sheltering, the UN had proclaimed a “safe area” around it.

In 1995, a Dutch battalion, commanded by a multinational UN force based in the Bosnian capital, Sarajevo, was supposed to protect this. Yet when the VRS threatened to conquer the area, the UN failed to deploy sufficient force to prevent it.

It was Dutch peacekeepers who effectively handed over most of the men to the Serbians – causing national shame which later led the Netherlands Supreme Court to hold the state partially responsible for the killings – but Western governments, NATO commanders in Sarajevo and UN officials in New York were also to blame. 


Srebrenica and the Denial of the Bosnian Genocide

While it is the ‘Srebrenica Genocide’ that is internationally recognised, the killings were the culmination of what most experts, including those at an international conference in Sarajevo last week, consider to be a larger Bosnian Genocide.

From April 1992, the Yugoslav National Army and paramilitary gangs, both under the effective control of Milošević’s Serbia, conquered much of Bosnia and largely removed the non-Serb (Bosniak and Croat) populations from the areas they annexed, through massacres, terror, systematic rape and cruelty. Much of the violence took place in concentration camps, while Serbian troops shelled and sniped at civilians in multiethnic Sarajevo, where a market massacre in 1994, the site of which I visited this week, killed 143 people.

This campaign amounted to genocide because the Serbians clearly intended to destroy the non-Serb communities in Bosnia, but the Serbo-Croat euphemism ‘etnicko ciscenje’, translated into English as ‘ethnic cleansing’, was adopted internationally and often used to avoid describing the Serbian campaign as genocide.

This term fitted the narrative, developed by Western leaders and media, that the Bosnian war was an inter-ethnic conflict in which all sides were more or less to blame. Yet although Croatian forces also attempted to remove Bosniaks from the areas they controlled, and Bosnian forces also committed war crimes, the Serbians began the genocidal war and were responsible for the vast majority of the atrocities. Western leaders, like Britain’s John Major and his foreign secretary Douglas Hurd, often denied this reality.

The Bosnian government brought a genocide case against Serbian-controlled Yugoslavia to the International Court of Justice in 1993, two years before the Srebrenica killings. Yet judges in the ICTY, in various subsequent trials, were reluctant to rule that ‘ethnic cleansing’ was genocide, and when the ICJ case was finally decided in 2007 (with Serbia-Montenegro as defendant since Yugoslavia had been dissolved), the court ruled that only in the case of Srebrenica could genocide be proved.

Even if many genocidal acts during the years from 1992 – the systematic pattern of killing, violent expulsions, rape and torture – could have been committed with genocidal intent, they said, only at Srebrenica, with its large-scale mass killing, could such intent be fully proved. 

With this twisted logic – converting killing from a means of genocide into a criterion of intent – the ICJ managed to simultaneously recognise the Srebrenica Genocide and deny the Bosnian Genocide. This could be understood as a largely political decision, giving Srebrenica recognition to the Bosnians, while absolving the Serbians and especially Serbia as a state – which the West wanted to draw into the orbit of the EU and NATO – of responsibility for a larger genocide.

The campaign in 1992-93 was clearly led by Serbia, but Srebrenica could be pigeonholed as a Bosnian-Serbian crime, for which Serbia itself had only secondary responsibility.

International complicity in the Bosnian Genocide centred on the failure of the UN, NATO, the European Community and Western states – despite continuous interventions, which began in Croatia 1991, even before violence began in Bosnia – to stop Serbian and other atrocities.

The failure to honour the commitment in the Genocide Convention to “prevent” genocide was, Samantha Power famously argued, actually a “success” for US policy, since non-engagement was the policy. Denying “genocide” and talking about “ancient hatreds” were parts of a strategy to minimise Western involvement. 

Eventually in 1995, after the emboldened Serbians took NATO soldiers captive as well as massacring Bosniaks, NATO finally bombed their positions above Sarajevo from which they had terrorised the city for three years, and US President Bill Clinton, worried about his re-election, gave Bosnia and Croatia sufficient support to push back Serbian forces and bring Milošević to the table.

However, in the 1996 Dayton settlement, Serbian nationalists got to keep Republika Srpska, established through genocide, as an entity within a loose new Bosnian federation. Today, its leader Milorad Dodik, with the support of the authoritarian regime in Serbia and Viktor Orbán’s Hungary, threatens a new secession. 



Gaza: From ‘Failure to Prevent’ to Active Participation in Genocide

As Bosnia-Herzegovina continues to live with many consequences of the 1992-95 genocide, across the Mediterranean in Gaza, Israel has been committing a new one for almost two years.

Western states and media that denied the Bosnian Genocide now deny the Gaza Genocide; the indifference to civilian suffering is the same. There is, however, a huge difference in the causes of these two situations.

While the official West cared little about Bosnia, it cares too much about Israel. In 1995, the West failed to save the threatened population of Srebrenica; in 2025, it is actively helping Israel destroy the Palestinian population of Gaza.

So in the new age of genocide, denial serves a different function. During the Bosnian genocide, it was alleged that British leaders favoured Serbia and German leaders Croatia, because of traditional connections. But these were loose secondary loyalties, while the US and Western commitments to Israel are fundamental; the state is a close ally, plugged directly into the Western system of power.

Israel is using the most advanced weaponry that Western capitals can supply to pummel a helpless civilian population, while a network of influence across governments and media in all the main countries has largely silenced dissent until the last few months. 

In the end, the West helped bring Serbian leaders to international justice: Mladić is currently imprisoned in The Hague and Karadžić is in Parkhurst prison on the Isle of Wight. In contrast, the Milošević of the Middle East, Benjamin Netanyahu, indicted by the ICC for war crimes and crimes against humanity, is feted by both parties in Washington and welcome, according to government leaders, in Berlin, Warsaw and other European capitals that are supposed to be committed to international law – he has just visited Greece. 

In London, Israel currently has to make do with visits by other genocide-supporting ministers and Israel Defence Force commanders, but the UK has been in the forefront of Gaza genocide denial, with the BBC playing a central role.

While the Srebrenica Genocide has been commemorated – Britain held a national memorial day ceremony in St. Paul’s Cathedral last month, attended by the deputy prime minister, Angela Rayner – it has also been exploited to avoid recognising the genocide in Gaza. For example, Srebrenica was added into the UK’s January 2025 Holocaust Memorial Day (HMD) commemorations to show concern for wider genocide, while Gaza was treated as a catalyst for antisemitism. 

On the same day, Keir Starmer said that “‘never again’ really must mean never again”, but completely failed to mention Gaza; the foreign secretary, David Lammy, even joined Israel’s ambassador Tzipi Hotoveley, an outspoken apologist for its crimes in Gaza, in HDM celebrations.

Lammy’s hypocrisy had already been exposed, when he suggested that the numbers of Gazan victims were insufficient to recognise genocide, although as a lawyer he was well aware that there is no numerical criterion for the crime, and had previously recognised Srebrenica as a genocide.

Today, even as Labour ministers criticise Israel’s starvation policy, they continue to proclaim its “right to self-defence”, as though that was at stake in Israel’s massacres of Palestinian civilians, and are banning the direct-action anti-genocide group, Palestine Action, labelling them “terrorists”.


The Neutering of International Courts

After the Bosnian genocide, Serbian leaders eventually faced justice because some international leaders had taken the initiative to establish the Yugoslav tribunal, as they did later the ICC.

Yet today, the ICC and its officials face a sustained campaign of destruction from Trump’s USA, while Europe mostly stands aside. The ICC’s prosecutor and judges have been brave enough to produce warrants against Israeli leaders, but these have not included the genocide charges that Serbian leaders eventually faced – although there is now a much wider consensus that Israel is committing genocide than there was about Serbia in the early 1990s.

It has been argued that Milošević withdrew from Kosovo in 1999 partly because of ICTY’s charges against him. Today, Netanyahu is undeterred by his ICC indictment or the provisional measures ordered by the ICJ in 2024, and so far no state has gone back to try to strengthen these.

The full ICJ genocide case, brought by South Africa, will not be heard for years, and with the depressing precedent of the 2007 Bosnia judgement, we have to worry that Israel will successfully use a ‘Srebrenica’ argument: that without a huge single massacre such as that in 1995, genocidal intent cannot be proved.

Yet, as Serbian forces did in Bosnia before Srebrenica, Israel has committed literally hundreds of massacres. Indeed, some in Bosnia think that Gaza’s genocide is even worse than the one they experienced.

Just as public opinion finally persuaded the West to act against the Serbians, so the huge shift in opinion against Israel in the last six months – in the UK and all Western countries – must surely begin to break down the wall of official complicity that protects the state.

But stopping the genocide is only the first step: then the fight for justice will begin. The Bosnian experience shows that this is likely to be a long struggle.



Francesca Albanese responds to US sanctions

 




"I will continue to do what I have to do," UN human rights expert Francesca Albanese told reporters in Ljubljana in response to US sanctions announced against her on Wednesday. "Yes, of course, it will be challenging... I'm putting everything I have on the line," she added. 

Albanese, the UN Special Rapporteur for Palestine has repeatedly accused Israel of committing genocide in Gaza and has criticised US policy on the war there. The sanctions follow her publication of a report on 30 June in which she accused over 60 companies, including major US technology firms like Google, Amazon and Microsoft, of being involved in "the transformation of Israel's economy of occupation to an economy of genocide".


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My interview with Francesca from last year: