17/02/2014

UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs in Central African Republic this Tuesday


EMERGENCY RELIEF COORDINATOR VALERIE AMOS TO VISIT CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC



WHO:       Emergency Relief Coordinator and United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, Valerie Amos
 
WHAT:     Mission to the Central African Republic 

WHEN:     18-20 February 2014 

WHERE:   Bangui and field visits 


The Emergency Relief Coordinator and UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, Valerie Amos, is scheduled to visit the Central African Republic from 18 to 20 February. ERC Amos will be accompanied by the Executive Director of UNAIDS, Dr. Michel Sidibe, the African Union Commissioner for Political Affairs, Dr. Aicha L. Abdullahi, and Assistant Secretary-General of the UN Department of Safety and Security, Ms. Mbaranga Gasarabwe.
 

The Central African Republic remains in the midst of a full-blown humanitarian crisis with more than 700,000 people displaced across the country, including over 288,000 in the capital Bangui alone, and 86,000 refugees in neighbouring countries. Some 2.6 million people need immediate humanitarian assistance, while reports of terrible atrocities and attacks against civilians and aid workers continue. 


Ms. Amos wants to take stock of the grave humanitarian crisis in the Central African Republic, which has been deteriorating since early December, and to understand the challenges faced by humanitarian partners. Her programme is expected to include field visits and meetings with senior Government officials, UN representatives, international NGOs, donors, religious leaders and affected communities.
 

On 20 February, Ms. Amos is scheduled to hold a press conference in Bangui at the conclusion of her mission.    
 


16/02/2014

John Stanmeyer wins 2014 World Press Photo awards with an image of African migrants near Djibouti



Photo from Djibouti wins World 

Press Photo award



Winning photo in the 2014 World Press Photo awardsThe photo won first prize in the prestigious World Press Photo awards, which have been running since 1955.

US photojournalist John Stanmeyer has won first prize in the 2014 World Press Photo awards
for his image of African migrants near Djibouti city.
The moonlit image shows men trying to get a phone signal from nearby Somalia.
Panel member Jillian Edelstein said the photo raised issues of technology, globalisation, migration,
poverty, desperation, alienation and humanity.
The prestigious awards, selected by an expert panel, have been running since 1955.
Stanmeyer shot the winning image while on assignment for the US-based National Geographic
magazine, and said that it was an honour to win the prize.


"It connects to all of us," he told the AFP news agency.
"It's just people trying to call loved ones. It could be you, it could be me, it could be any one of us."
Another panel member, Susan Linfield, said: "So many pictures of migrants show them as bedraggled
and pathetic... but this photo is not so much romantic, as dignified."
Almost one hundred thousand pictures were submitted for the competition.
Stanmeyer is a founding member of the VII photo agency.
He has been the recipient of several other honours including the Magazine Photographer of the Year
and Picture of the Year awards, as well as the 2008 National Magazine Award for Photojournalism.
-- 
Source: BBC news 

15/02/2014

RCA / Cameroun : sécuriser la frontière


La MISCA réitère son engagement à continuer à sécuriser les convois humanitaires et autres sur le corridor reliant la RCA à la frontière avec le Cameroun 


Bangui, le 15 février 2014: La Mission internationale de soutien à la Centrafrique sous conduite africaine (MISCA) réaffirme encore une fois que la partie centrafricaine du corridor qui relie la République centrafricaine (RCA) au port de Douala, au Cameroun, est totalement sécurisée. Elle souligne que cette voie peut être empruntée par les différentes agences humanitaires apportant une assistance aux populations affectées par la crise que connaît la RCA, ainsi que par les opérateurs commerciaux et autres.
Depuis le 18 janvier 2014, la MISCA a mis en place un dispositif pour escorter les véhicules qui utilisent cette voie, et ce suivant les modalités suivantes: les lundi, mercredi et vendredi, de la localité de Beloko, à la frontière avec le Cameroun, à Bangui; et les mardi, jeudi et samedi, de Bangui à la frontière camerounaise, pour raccompagner les véhicules ayant déchargé leurs cargaisons. Avec l'accord des autorités camerounaises, que la MISCA voudrait remercier très sincèrement pour leur soutien et coopération, des éléments de la Mission se déploient dans la localité de Garoua Boulaï, dernière étape avant de franchir la frontière avec la RCA, pour y regrouper les véhicules à escorter et rassurer ceux des chauffeurs qui, sur la foi des informations très parcellaires à leur disposition, évaluent mal la situation sur le corridor.

À ce jour, la MISCA a escorté, le long de cette voie, quatre convois comprenant un total de quatre-cents seize (416) camions, dont quatre-vingt-dix (90) appartenant au Programme alimentaire mondial (PAM) et quarante (40) transportant des matériels pour l’opération française Sangaris, sans que la moindre difficulté n'ait été rencontrée. D’autres camions arrivés récemment à la frontière entre le Cameroun et la RCA seront escortés par une unité de la MISCA, le 17 février 2014.

Ayant appris, par voie de presse, que le PAM a lancé, depuis le 12 février 2014, un pont aérien pour acheminer des vivres aux populations touchées par la crise en RCA au motif que la voie routière serait par trop aléatoire, la MISCA voudrait assurer les agences humanitaires que la composante militaire de la Mission est disposée à escorter et à protéger tous les convois humanitaires vers la RCA, ainsi qu'elle l'a déjà fait à la grande satisfaction des différents acteurs concernés. La MISCA est désireuse d'aider les agences humanitaires à éviter, autant que faire se peut, le recours à des ponts aériens coûteux à un moment où les ressources limitées disponibles devraient être utilisées aussi judicieusement que possible pour alléger les souffrances des populations centrafricaines éprouvées par la crise. À cet égard, la MISCA note avec une profonde préoccupation qu'en dépit de tous les efforts déployés, le financement effectif de l'action humanitaire reste encore très largement en deçà des besoins. Aussi, la Mission, tout en saluant l'appui généreux fourni par plusieurs partenaires internationaux, en appelle à une solidarité internationale beaucoup plus agissante à l'endroit du peuple centrafricain, à travers le décaissement rapide des fonds promis et la mobilisation de nouvelles ressources.

La MISCA saisit cette occasion pour renouveler sa profonde appréciation du travail remarquable qu'accomplissent le PAM et d'autres agences humanitaires dans des conditions particulièrement difficiles. Elle loue le dévouement de leurs personnels et leur engagement au service des populations civiles centrafricaines.

En portant une attention particulière à la sécurisation du corridor qui relie la RCA à la frontière avec le Cameroun, conformément au mandat donné par le Conseil de paix et de sécurité (CPS) de l'Union africaine (UA) et le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies dans sa résolution 2127(2013) et à son concept d'opération, la MISCA vise, outre la facilitation de l'acheminement de l'assistance humanitaire en RCA, la réalisation d’un autre objectif tout aussi essentiel pour la stabilisation de la RCA et son relèvement économique: garantir la fluidité des échanges commerciaux, ainsi que la maîtrise par l'État centrafricain de ses sources de revenu pour lui permettre de financer les activités liées à l'exercice de ses fonctions régaliennes. À ce sujet, la MISCA a initié des consultations avec le Gouvernement centrafricain pour étudier la possibilité du paiement, à Douala même, dans le cadre d'un guichet unique, des droits de douane et taxes connexes à acquitter sur les marchandises et autres biens destinés à la RCA. La mise en œuvre effective de cette mesure renforcera aussi la transparence dans la gestion des revenus de l'État. Il convient de rappeler que les ex-Seleka et autres éléments armés avaient érigé de nombreux barrages sur la partie centrafricaine du corridor, prélevant, en toute illégalité, des taxes sur les usagers et commettant toutes sortes d'exactions contre les civils empruntant cette voie vitale pour l'économie de la RCA.

La MISCA souligne qu'une réponse humanitaire plus vigoureuse et un soutien socio-économique adéquat et diligent, notamment à travers la mise à disposition des ressources requises pour le paiement des arriérés de salaire dus aux personnels de la fonction publique et des pensions des retraités, contribueront grandement à la consolidation des avancées enregistrées par la MISCA et l'opération française Sangaris dans la stabilisation de la situation sécuritaire et, partant, à l'aboutissement du processus de transition en cours.

- See more at: http://www.peaceau.org/fr/article/la-misca-reitere-son-engagement-a-continuer-a-securiser-les-convois-humanitaires-et-autres-sur-le-corridor-reliant-la-rac-a-la-frontiere-avec-le-cameroun#sthash.QvRG0qMm.FLcZZXD5.dpuf

Amitiés (Mayrig, Henri Verneuil)



"Il faut toujours offrir les livres sans raisons, comme un prolongement d'amitié"...

Mayrig, Henri Verneuil 








CPJ's report on press freedom's deterioration in Africa

Twitter Send to a Friend Facebook Attacks on the Press

Africa

(Reuters/Goran Tomasevic)
(Reuters/Goran Tomasevic)
 
 
Country reports in this chapter were written and researched by CPJ Program Coordinator Sue Valentine, CPJ Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita, CPJ's Nairobi-based consultant Tom Rhodes, and CPJ's West Africa consultant Peter Nkanga.
 
 
country page »

Burundi

5 Years in jail
country page »

Ethiopia

70 News and opinion websites blocked

country page »

Guinea

51 Anti-press attacks
country page »

Gambia

144 Hours of detention
country page »

Nigeria

11th Impunity Index ranking

country page »

Somalia

2nd Impunity ranking
country page »

Swaziland

2 Broadcasting bills passed
country page »

Tanzania

22 Threats and attacks

country page »

Uganda

7 Days police ignored court order
country page »

Zambia

7 Cases against the press

CPJ on advertising and press freedom in East Africa


Advertising and Censorship
In East Africa's Press

By Tom Rhodes

Many newspapers in East Africa are thriving--some fat with ads, enjoying solid circulation and little competition--but there is broad concern that all that advertising is also promoting self-censorship and corrupting news coverage.
Kenyans read election coverage in the Mathare slum in Nairobi, the capital, on March 9, 2013. One reason that advertising revenue trumps circulation for East Africa's newspapers is that readers often share papers to save money. (Reuters/Goran Tomasevic)
Kenyans read election coverage in the Mathare slum in Nairobi, the capital, on March 9, 2013. One reason that advertising revenue trumps circulation for East Africa's newspapers is that readers often share papers to save money. (Reuters/Goran Tomasevic)
While newspapers elsewhere in the world shrivel, thanks to shrinking ad revenue and online competition, they are still dominant in much of East Africa, where a growing middle class and prohibitively expensive online browsing have allowed the printed word to survive and even thrive.
A prominent example of this success is the Nation Media Group, the largest independent media house in East and Central Africa and publisher of Kenya's principal daily newspaper, the Daily Nation. The group increased its revenue by nearly 50 percent in five years to 12.347 billion Kenyan shillings (US$142.5 million) in 2012.

Newspapers account for the bulk of that revenue. Paralleling that trajectory, the advertising market in Kenya rose nearly fivefold in the past five years, while there were smaller gains in Uganda and Tanzania, according to Joe Otim, media research and monitoring director at Ipsos research company.
"In East Africa, the advertiser is king," said veteran Kenyan journalist John Gatchie, who works as a media consultant in the region.

Because they represent the greatest source of revenue, advertisers--especially governments and government-owned enterprises--wield huge influence, which often allows them to quietly control what is published and what is not, according to journalists and media analysts. Advertisers offer lucrative ads to sweeten any coverage or threaten to stop ads if a paper writes critically about them.

This type of back-door soft censorship, generally invisible to the public, is not a problem unique to East Africa. In West Africa, state-owned newspapers lead in most markets except Nigeria, since they receive the lion's share of government advertisement revenue, said Sulemana Braimah, deputy director of the press freedom group Media Foundation for West Africa. In southern Africa, advertisements are sometimes used by politicians to discourage critical coverage, said Raymond Louw, former editor and publisher and veteran media freedom campaigner in South Africa. And the issue surfaces in other regions of the world, perhaps most dramatically in Turkey in 2013 during the Gezi Park protests in Istanbul. Media owners there, beholden to the government, suppressed coverage of the demonstrations by their own reporters, some of whom they subsequently fired at the government's behest.

Such practices are also notable in Latin America, where government advertising has been widely used for decades as a cudgel to punish media critics or as a reward to bolster supporters. In a survey of 1,000 Argentine journalists in 2011, for example, dependence on government advertising was ranked the third most serious challenge facing the Argentine media after low salaries and lack of professionalism. Polling results showed that 58 percent of the subjects thought journalism in the country was "conditioned" and 72 percent said they thought the business departments at their outlets had influence in the newsroom.

In East Africa, advertisers are a mixed blessing, said Deodatus Balile, managing editor of the Tanzanian private weekly Jamhuri. "Advertisers are the biggest financial supporters of the press and yet they are also the biggest suppressors of freedom of the press," he said.

One novel news suppression technique adopted in Tanzania is a blanket advertising strategy that involves placing full-page ads that leave no room for anything else on the front and back pages, according to John Mireny, publications and research manager of the Media Council of Tanzania, an independent regulator. The ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi Party ("Party of the Revolution") did just that with all of Tanzania's newspapers in 2010, stifling coverage of the opposition party's inaugural campaign rally, Mireny said.

In Tanzania, ad revenue covers about 85 percent of a newspaper's running costs, according to Balile, which provides little margin for aggressive reporting that might alienate clients. Despite a relatively high literacy rate, circulation levels are low, in part because readers in Tanzania share newspapers to save money.

Newspapers in impoverished South Sudan, a country that gained independence in 2011 after decades of civil war, are struggling. "The market is narrow and distribution is poor," said Badru Mulumba, editor of the New Times. "With such poor sales, any advertiser is viewed with respect and welcomed with roses."

In 2012, the press in Uganda was awash with stories alleging graft in the prime minister's office involving misappropriated donor funds. "As editors we insisted on covering the story despite some objections," said Barbara Among, foreign editor of Uganda's leading independent Daily Monitor.
But the office of the prime minister, which oversees five ministries, also happens to be one of the biggest advertisers in Uganda. After the government placed numerous ads in the press, fewer graft stories were published, local journalists said. "Now with the prime minister's office's big budget, there is less reporting on the scandal," said Don Wanyama, the Daily Monitor's managing editor. "The press could have done a lot more in terms of digging up the rot in that office, but fears of lost ad revenue silenced everyone."

Influencing the press using the financial clout of ad placements is not only a government affair. In September, an electric company with indirect links to the government in Tanzania informed the private daily Raia Mwema (Good Citizen) that a cell-phone company had been illegally connected to its power lines and owed billions of Tanzanian shillings.

"Imagine, only one newspaper published the story but kept it very vague without saying the name of the cell-phone company," Mbaraka Islam, the newspaper's news director, said.

"Very few can write about cell-phone companies such as Vodacom, Airtel, Tigo--they have financial muscle," Balile said. "If you write negatively about them, they go straight to the courts, acquire a court injunction, and deny the public access to information."

"We have even gotten to the point where editors write what I call 'advertorials' to appease companies--false editorials that invariably praise their corporate advertisers," Balile said.
There is similar editorial pressure from corporate advertisers in Uganda. "They seek more editorial visibility than government advertisers," said Robert Kabushenga, the chief executive officer of Uganda's leading state daily, New Vision. "Occasionally they demand spiking negative stories or suspend advertising to 'punish' for adverse publicity. The threat is that we are dependent on their money in an increasingly tight market."

Certain companies, banks, and cell phone companies, for example, have become difficult for the Kenyan press to cover because of the revenue they provide, said Charles Onyango-Obbo, executive editor at the Nation Media Group. In July, Equity Bank's cash machines stopped working for several days but only online news publications and social media covered the story, according to local journalists. "I think the bank was effective in limiting bad publicity. They post a lot of ads and its boss is known to many media CEOs. They play golf together," Daily Nation reporter Aggrey Mutambo said.

Sometimes the news is also tainted because of desired support from non-governmental organizations and the United Nations. This is especially noticeable in South Sudan, which relies heavily on the U.N. and NGOs in its rebuilding process. "It has been my experience that managing editors who have attained adverts from U.N agencies and NGOs often assign reporters to positively cover their activities," South Sudanese freelance journalist Joseph Edward said. This appears to have less to do with outside organizations urging coverage of their activities, and more to do with providing positive coverage in hopes of financial support through advertisements and grants, Edward said.

Self-censorship also arises when politicians and businessmen own or invest in media outlets, an issue that especially troubles the Kenyan and South Sudanese press.

Generally praised by the media community for his editorial hands-off approach to the press, the princely rich Aga Khan, spiritual head of the 15-million-strong Ismaili community, owns 47 percent of the shares in the Nation Media Group. Three journalists at the Daily Nation, requesting anonymity to protect their jobs, say that, as a result, his investments in tourism and finance are almost never criticized in the East African press. This appears to be more a reflection of staff loyalty than any direct pressure, but is self-censorship nevertheless.

Meanwhile, Daniel Arap Moi, Kenya's former president, is believed to own the majority of shares in the Standard Media Group, according to a January report by the media development organization Internews and news reports. Moi's protégé, Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenya's recently elected president, owns the Mediamax Company that prints The People newspaper, along with K24 television and Kameme FM, the same report said.

"If you follow the Standard Media Group, you will not see negative coverage of former President Moi. If you follow Mediamax, the same applies to the current leadership," said George Nyabuga, a journalism lecturer at the University of Nairobi. Standard Media Group chief editor John Bundotich and Mediamax head of news Anderson Waweru both denied this assertion.

According to an independent study conducted by South Sudanese journalist Godfrey Victor Bulla, eight of 11 newspapers in circulation in South Sudan are either directly or indirectly government-owned.

Commercial pressures on reporters and editors are not confined to the recruiting and retention of advertisers. As in many Western newsrooms, there is an increasing focus on cost-cutting and profits--even ad spending is on the rise in places such as Kenya. According to the Newspaper Association of America, newspaper advertising revenue fell 6 percent in 2012 in the United States and is expected to decline further as newspapers increasingly rely on revenue from circulation. Not so in Kenya. In the first quarter of 2012, 18 billion Kenyan shillings (roughly US$212 million) was spent on advertising, according to the research company Ipsos Synovate, while 12 billion Kenyan shillings (roughly US$141 million) was spent in the same period in 2011.

In a presentation at a media forum in Naivasha, Kenya, in October 2013, Harun Mwangi, chief executive of the statutory regulator Media Council of Kenya, said newsrooms are increasingly focused on making money rather than reporting news. This is largely because most media owners are also big business players, Mwangi said: "They only focus on issues of public concern in the media as long as it bears profits."

In order to cut costs, investigative journalism has been curtailed and replaced by public relations exercises, with "news" fed to reporters, Mwangi said. Increasingly, media companies are encouraging their staff to attain degrees in business rather than journalism, he added, based on his experience working with Kenyan editors and journalists at the council.

Similar pressures on news managers occur in Uganda, with editors assigned commercial targets, according to the Daily Monitor's Wanyama. On his personal blog, Wanyama wrote that editors are now expected to reach sales targets and initiate "money-making" projects, adding, "So, beyond being bogged down with the pressure of delivering good stories, editors must think about special projects that will yield extra revenue for the paper." In an interview with CPJ, he provided an example: "An editorial initiative such as a feature on health, for instance, will be cut for something that brings in money, so we are forced to cover areas where there is money even if there is not much public interest [in the topic]."

The tussle between moneymaking and news making has always been there, Uganda's Among said, but the tension is growing. "I fear we are abandoning our core business, the editorial business, and focusing on the profit margins. It's affecting the quality of journalism," she said.

While corporate influence in the newsroom is clearly a global phenomenon, editors and media analysts believe the problem is especially acute in East Africa. According to Mireny, of Tanzania's Media Council, in strong and mature market economies, where literacy rates are high, advertisers have less of a stranglehold over a newspaper's independence. In emerging economies, such as those in East Africa, with limited competition and often low literacy and circulation rates, editors are more vulnerable to outside pressures.

Small publishers in small economies are the most vulnerable. "Why this is particularly hard in Uganda," said James Tumusiime, the managing editor of the independent weekly Observer, "is because the economy is small, so advertisers are only a handful and you don't want to lose the major ones. It is even harder for smaller newspapers, because while some companies find they cannot do without the biggest daily, the can easily withdraw advertising from smaller ones."

Newspapers can never be fully independent in Rwanda, said Christopher Kayumba, a lecturer and media expert at the National University of Rwanda, because the newspapers rely on just a handful of advertisers, the government being one of the most influential.

Who are these advertisers in East Africa who hold such editorial influence over the press?
Across the region, the government still wields the most influence, despite increasing numbers of private companies buying ad space. Even then, Kenyan companies that advertise heavily are often financially linked to the government, said media consultant Gatchie.

The Kenyan government is the largest shareholder, for instance, at Kenya Commercial Bank, and the Kenyan subsidiaries of Standard Chartered and Barclays Bank. It is also one of the largest shareholders of Safaricom, the country's leading telecommunications company.

Then there is direct advertising by the government. According to the chairman of the Kenyan Commission for Administrative Justice, Otiende Amollo, the government spent roughly 26 million Kenyan Shillings (US$297,500) in just two weeks on congratulatory messages in newspapers to politicians in presidential and legislative elections held in March 2013.

In Rwanda, approximately 85 to 90 percent of advertisements come from the public sector, says Robert Mugabe, editor of the online news site Great Lakes Voice. "If you need to attract adverts, it's simple. Don't annoy government," he said.

Government money constitutes roughly 60 percent of the advertising revenue of newspapers in Tanzania, Balile said. This crucial revenue is often provided to publications that support the government, Mireny said, disadvantaging independent publications.

The survival instincts of the dominant political elite in East Africa, where opposition parties maintain marginal influence, ensure government advertisers apply pressure on the press. In Kenya, as elsewhere, the ruling party maintains near monopolistic control over ads in the media, said William Oloo Janak, chairman of the Kenya Correspondent's Association.

Government advertising is so pervasive that some publications are launched purely to milk the flow of money. While Tanzania has roughly 16 active dailies, Balile said, there are 767 registered newspapers. "During local government elections, 450 publications suddenly appear on the newsstands. During a presidential election, you'll see all 767 papers vying for state adverts," he said.
Similarly, in Kenya, temporary and wholly government-supported publications have a short lifespan but make a lot of money while being printed, said Daily Nation online editor Charles Omondi in Nairobi. Under the authoritarian leadership of Moi, he said, all state advertising was channelled through the Moi government's daily mouthpiece, the Kenya Times, and state officials were expected to purchase a copy. But "with Moi out of power, Kenya Times became 'Kenya Sometimes,' with irregular printing, before folding," he said.

Some East African governments often point to large numbers of publications as evidence that the media in their countries are free. In a public address in January 2013, Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete boasted that the country had registered 763 newspapers and publications, the largest number in Africa, according to news reports. But a plethora of newspapers does not equal press freedom, especially when the majority function as a government mouthpiece.

When the majority of media houses agreed to blanket advertising from the ruling party in Tanzania during the 2010 general elections, the Swahili daily, Mwananchi, or Citizen, did not, said Mireny, of Tanzania's Media Council. "The post-election sales proved that audiences are not fools," he said. "Time and again, papers that failed the impartiality test during campaigns and thereafter have seen their sales drifting downwards." Pro-government papers such as Uhuru and Habari Leo, for example, only manage to survive through government advertising and never through sales, Raia Mwema News Director Islam said.

The former highly critical weekly, MwanaHalisi, was starved of government ad revenue due to its critical stance, Managing Editor Saed Kubenea said. But the paper's brave and unique voice attracted a large readership, its circulation at one point reaching 100,000, the highest in Tanzania, local journalists said. It may well be the sole example in the region of a newspaper's survival due largely to its circulation. "I think we were one of the few in East Africa who managed to thrive through sales alone," Kubenea said. Its critical success irked the government so much that the newspaper was accused of sedition and banned indefinitely in July 2012.

Eventually, online news outlets and social media may provide an alternative to newspapers. In Kenya, in particular, the popularity of social media as an outlet for breaking and critical news was evident during the September 2013 terrorist siege of Westgate Mall in Nairobi.

"Recent events in Kenya have me increasingly believe that online platforms as leveraged by ordinary citizens are growing more critical of state affairs than the mainstream press," said Nanjira Sambuli, a mathematician and new media strategist.

Still, Internet growth is slow and it is not clear how online news outlets will earn revenue. The International Telecommunications Union indicates that Internet usage in East Africa--with the exception of South Sudan, for which statistics are not yet available--increased in total by 10 percent over the past five years.

Newspapers, then, will continue to dominate the region for some time. The hope lies in media owners across East Africa accepting that the longevity of their newspapers does not depend as much on profits from advertising as it does on professional editorial policies that will secure the loyalty of readers.

Tom Rhodes is CPJ's East Africa representative, based in Nairobi. Rhodes is a founder of South Sudan's first independent newspaper.

--


 

CPJ's Annual Report: Attacks on the Press



The Committee to Protect Journalists releases its annual report: Attacks on the Press 2013 - a compendium of data and analysis of press freedom conditions across the globe for 2013.



GENERAL PRESS RELEASE


Attacks on the Press: Surveillance poses global challenge for free flow of news

CPJ's annual assessment of press freedom worldwide

 
New York, February 12, 2014-Digital surveillance, the unchecked murder of journalists, and indirect commercial and political pressures on the media are three of the primary threats to press freedom highlighted in the Committee to Protect Journalists annual assessment, Attacks on the Press, released today.

"The primary battlegrounds for press freedom used to be contained within the borders of authoritarian states. While those battles continue, new technologies have made it possible to realize the right to freedom of expression regardless of frontiers," said CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon. "Attacks on the Press describes the threats and explores strategies to safeguard the free flow information."

Three pieces in this year's Attacks, including a foreword to the print edition by Jacob Weisberg, analyze the damaging effects to press freedom caused by the U.S. mass surveillance programs. Governments' capacity to store transactional data and the content of communications undermines journalists' ability to protect sources. The scope of the NSA's digital spying raises doubts about the U.S. commitment to freedom of expression and strengthens the hand of China and other restrictive nations in their calls for more government control over the Internet.

A separate essay in Attacks argues that the international community should put press freedom at the heart of a new anti-poverty strategy as the 2015 target nears for the U.N. Millennium Development Goals. Meanwhile, if transparency in the financial sector is not improved, more global financial crises can be expected.

Attacks also explores how the inability to solve journalist murders feeds an atmosphere of intimidation, compounded by the targeted killings of witnesses in many cases.

Along with the print edition of Attacks on the Press, CPJ published online a snapshot of conditions and data in close to 60 countries. Syria remained the most deadly place for journalists on the job in 2013, while Iraq and Egypt each saw a spike in fatal violence. In total 70 journalists lost their lives. For the second consecutive year, Turkey was the world's leading jailer of journalists, followed closely by Iran and China.

Attacks on the Press was first published in 1986. The 2014 edition features analyses by CPJ and global experts on: Beijing's influence on the Hong Kong and Taiwanese press; Syrian journalists' striving to report, despite the dangers; the insistence on "positive news" in sub-Saharan Africa; finding the courage to cover sexual violence; Nelson Mandela's legacy; and much more. CPJ's Risk List highlights the 10 places where press freedom deteriorated the most in 2013.

Attacks also includes the late CPJ Mexico correspondent Mike O'Connor's last piece for CPJ, "Gunmen Rule Neza and the Press on Outskirts of Mexico City." O'Connor died suddenly in late December.

The print edition with foreword by Weisberg, chairman of the Slate Group and member of CPJ's board of directors, is published by Bloomberg Press, an imprint of Wiley, and is available for purchase.

CPJ is an independent, nonprofit organization that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide.
Note to editors:
Attacks on the Press is available online in English and with regional sections in Arabic, French, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish, and Turkish. For social media CPJ suggests using the hashtag #AttacksOnPress.


 --


In regards to sub-Saharan Africa and the East African region in particular, please see the following links:

Africa - Statistics on 12 countries with poor press freedom records:
www.cpj.org/2014/02/attacks-on-the-press-in-2013-africa.php
Pressure on Journalists Rises Along With Africa's Prospects, By Mohamed Keita
www.cpj.org/2014/02/attacks-on-the-press-africa-rising.php
--The debate over reporting positive news vs. press freedom

Mandela's Legacy of Media Freedom Stands Its Ground, By Sue Valentine
www.cpj.org/2014/02/attacks-on-the-press-south-africa.php
--The challenges of upholding a vibrant, critical press in South Africa

Advertising and Censorship In East Africa's Press, By Tom Rhodes
www.cpj.org/2014/02/attacks-on-the-press-advertising.php
How advertisers control the narrative in East Africa's press


 

14/02/2014

UNICEF ON CAR




Horrific cruelty and violence against children in Central African Republic must end: UNICEF

At least 133 children killed or maimed in past two months

NEW YORK/DAKAR, Senegal, 13 February 2014 – UNICEF officials in the West Africa region said today they are horrified by the cruelty and impunity with which children are being killed and mutilated in the Central African Republic. 
 
According to the UN children’s agency, recent weeks have witnessed unprecedented levels of violence against children in sectarian and retaliatory attacks by anti-Balaka militia and ex-Séléka combatants – acts that constitute grave violations against children.
 
“Children are increasingly targeted because of their religion, or because of their community,” said UNICEF West and Central Africa Regional Director, Manuel Fontaine. “Sectarian violence in Central African Republic has intensified, both in the capital Bangui, and in the west and centre of the country.”  
 
At least 133 children have been killed and maimed, some of them in horrific ways, in two months of escalating ethno-religious violence. UNICEF has verified cases of children intentionally beheaded and mutilated, and is aware of cases of children wounded in the cross-fire, who have had to have limbs amputated because insecurity blocked them from getting to the hospital in time for treatment. In the town of Boali, northwest of the capital, one in four casualties has been among children, with 22 killed and 42 injured since early December. 
 
While violence has been committed by all groups, the most recent targeting of Muslim populations has resulted in the evacuation of whole communities and a significant increase in the number of unaccompanied children, separated from their families in the upheaval. These children are particularly at risk.
 
UNICEF is appealing to government, community, religious and civil society leaders invested with the trust of their communities to help end this violence and to work together towards reconciliation. 
 
“There is no future for a country where adults can viciously target innocent children with impunity”, Fontaine added.  “All children in the Central African Republic must be protected.”
 
UNICEF said that in addition, grave violations against children must be investigated, prosecuted and punished.
• Armed groups and militia in the country must be disarmed immediately.
• Impartial humanitarian assistance must be able to reach children most at risk.
• Security must be restored by national forces, African Union forces and French troops so families can return to their homes. 
• Reconciliation must be nurtured. The transitional government, civil society, religious and youth organisations need to work together to tip the balance from fear towards reconciliation.
 
“Attacks against children must be denounced systematically by civil society, the transitional government, international organizations, and the media,” Fontaine concluded. “Impunity must end.”
Note to editors
With now more than 150 staff on the ground, UNICEF has considerably and rapidly scaled up its humanitarian presence/operations in CAR to be able to adequately respond to the growing magnitude and severity of this crisis. UNICEF is strengthening its field presence by adding staff in established field offices in Bossangoa, Bambari and Kaga Bandoro as well as coordinating outreach strategies in the west and centre of the country.

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About UNICEF
UNICEF promotes the rights and wellbeing of every child, in everything we do. Together with our partners, we work in 190 countries and territories to translate that commitment into practical action, focusing special effort on reaching the most vulnerable and excluded children, to the benefit of all children, everywhere. For more information about UNICEF and its work visit: www.unicef.org
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13/02/2014

Sangaris in C.A.R.: "The reluctant interventionist", according to Africa analyst Vincent Darracq (AJE)



OPINION

France in Central Africa: The reluctant interventionist

Why France did not want to be dragged into the conflict in the Central African Republic.

Last updated: 11 Feb 2014 09:23
Vincent Darracq

Vincent Darracq is an Africa analyst. He works for various risk consultancies and think tanks, including the French Institute for International Relations (IFRI).


France deployed troops in CAR after violence erupted between rebel groups [AFP/Getty Images]

Two months after the beginning of military operation of French troops in the Central African Republic, it is time to debunk a few myths. France's military intervention has raised eyebrows, both in and outside France, for reasons which, interestingly, are opposite. On the one hand, some African elites are, as usual, suspicious of France's alleged sinister intentions and contend that France is a neocolonial power intervening in CAR to protect some mysterious - and largely undefined - political and economic interests.
But on the other side, opinion polls in France indicate that a majority of French citizens are opposed to France's deployment in CAR precisely because they can't figure out why France has got involved in the CAR conflict, given how little the country matters to France.
The truth lies somewhere in the middle. Let's be clear: France has no economic positions or business interests to defend in CAR. Similarly, as opposed to Mali where the takeover of the country by Islamist militants would have presented France with a significant security challenge, France has no direct security or strategic interests to protect in CAR.
France has intervened in CAR because the ever deteriorating security situation was becoming a direct threat to the existence of CAR as a state.The collapse of CAR would have been a latent threat to regional stability in Central Africa by providing rebels and militants from neighbouring countries (Chad, Sudan, South Sudan, DRC, Uganda) with a safe haven right in the middle of the continent. There wouldn't have been a single power in the world - whether western or eastern - rejoicing at such a horrific prospect.
Also having a 1,600-troop-force deployed in CAR is a financial burden that France would easily live without given its stretched finances. But France's intervention testifies to the weakness of African regional organisations and to their political and military incapacity to handle large-scale security crises in the continent. Like in Mali, France had to intervene at the last minute, because African regional organisations, paralysed by leadership rivalries and lack of capability, proved unable to do the job effectively.


CAR: 
France is sometimes accused of being biased in the CAR conflict, in favour of the Christian anti-balaka militias supported by former President Francois Bozize against the largely Muslim Seleka coalition. Those holding such views assert that French troops are much more determined at disarming Seleka fighters than they are at doing the same with the anti-balaka. This claim is slightly disingenuous.
One has to admit it has been easier to identify and disarm Seleka, a more formalised force made of fighters hanging around in their pickups with their machine guns and sleeping in military barracks, than the more elusive anti-balaka militias. It is worth reminding that when Seleka marched into Bangui and overthrew Bozize in March 2013, French troops in Bangui did not move, despite Bozize desperately calling Paris for help.

Has the French intervention been a success? Well, it was clearly too little, too late. French and African MISCA troops have finally managed to restore a degree of order in Bangui, though localised inter-community violence can flare up anytime. But persistent tensions in Bangui mean that most French troops have been forced to stay in the capital and have not been able to deploy to the countryside, as planned initially, and levels of violence in rural areas, committed either by the anti-balaka or Seleka, are just scary.
By its own admission[Fr], the French government clearly underestimated the difficulty of the task at hand in CAR. Unlike in Mali, where there was a clearly-identified enemy, there wasn't anybody to fight against, and to disarm random groups of fighters in urban areas is not what a conventional army is usually prepared for. Clearly, French authorities had also overestimated the level of inter-religious animosity, as well as the rise of the anti-balaka.

So, as the French defence minister just said[Fr], French troops will probably have to stay for longer than their initial six-month mandate. The European Union (EU) has pledged to send 500 troops in support of France, but given its EU partners' reluctance to commit troops, there is a significant chance that France will provide about half of the 500 fighters. In any case, the number of EU troops will be too small to have a major impact on the security situation.
The solution would probably be a United Nations' peace-keeping operation, numbering about 10,000 troops. The African Union (AU) and Russia are opposed to this option - the AU wants to keep the upper hand on handling the crisis, and as a matter of principle, Russia hates international interference.
However, the UN operation option is likely to win, and a UN force will probably be deployed in about six months. It is not sure that such a deployment will make a significant impact, especially if the force comprises troops from faraway countries with feeble rules of engagement. But without such a force, here is the likely prospect for CAR in the medium term: A de-facto division of the country, with the government controlling Bangui and a few main provincial cities with the help of French and African troops, the west controlled by the anti-balaka and the north-east as Seleka's rear base. There will be endless chaos. It is time for the international community to make a move.

Vincent Darracq is an Africa analyst. He works for various risk consultancies and think tanks, including the French Institute for International Relations (IFRI).
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.


Source:
Al Jazeera


Central African Republic: More on the defence militias anti-balaka


From IRIN, the UN humanitarian news agency:

Briefing: Who are the anti-balaka of CAR?




BANGUI, 12 February 2014 (IRIN) - On 10 February, Gen Francisco Soriano, commander of Sangaris, the French peacekeeping mission in the Central African Republic (CAR), condemned the anti-balaka militia as the main enemy of peace in the country, and vowed that the mission would concentrate its efforts against them. His statement came just before Amnesty International 
charged international peacekeepers with having failed to prevent the ethnic cleansing of Muslim civilians in western CAR.

This IRIN briefing looks at the threat posed by the anti-balaka to Muslims and to the CAR population in general. 
 
Who are the anti-balaka?
 
In Soriano’s words: “We don’t know”.

Their leaders’ identity, their chain of command and their political programme are all unknowns, he told a meeting of community representatives in Bangui. At the same meeting, his African Union counterpart, Cameroonian Gen Martin Tumenta (commanding MISCA, the AU mission in CAR), expressed frustration that Bangui’s citizens have not been providing the force with more information about the anti-balaka.

An audience member’s claim that calls to a MISCA hotline number tend to go unanswered prompted an angry response from Tumenta. “So you’re calling us useless?” he said before walking out of the meeting.
 
“Balaka” is the Sango word for machete. Some sources say it is also alludes to the French for bullets of an automatic rifle (“balle AK”). Either way, “anti-balaka” roughly means “invincible”, a power purportedly bestowed by the charms that hang around the necks of most members. The term gained currency five or six years ago, when it was applied to self-defence units set up - in the absence of effective state security forces - to protect communities from attacks by highway bandits or cattle raiders. 
 
Several rebel groups joined forces under the banner of the Seleka (“alliance” in Sango) forces in late 2012, and seized power the following March. “Anti-balaka” caught on as a generic term for those resisting the brutal Seleka (a word to which, since the alliance’s official disbanding in September 2013, the prefix “ex” has usually added).
 
Clashes in December 2013 between anti-balaka and the ex-Seleka led to reprisal attacks in which about 1,000 people died in Bangui. The anti-balaka have been largely responsible for driving the ex-Seleka from many of their bases in western CAR. 
  
What is the religious connection? 
Most Seleka members were Muslim, chiefly because Islam is the more prevalent religion in the marginalized northern areas where rebel groups sprang up. Seleka members committed widespread atrocities after seizing power in March 2013, including killings, large-scale arson and rape.

More recently Muslims, many with no connection to the rebels, have been targeted in reprisals by anti-balaka and civilians. According to Amnesty International, such attacks have led tens of thousands to leave CAR in “an exodus of historic proportions”. 
 
According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), “the anti-balaka militias are increasingly organized and using language that suggests their intent is to eliminate Muslim residents from the Central African Republic.”
 
“At this rate, if the targeted violence continues, there will be no Muslims left in much of the Central African Republic,” Peter Bouckaert, emergencies director at Human Rights Watch, said in an emailed statement. 
 
“People whose families have peacefully lived in the country for centuries are being forced to leave, or are fleeing the very real threat of violence against them.” 
 
A self-styled spokesman for the anti-balaka, Sebastien Wenezoui, has said that the movement is fighting to defend Christians. Most of its recruits are from Christian or animist communities. But Christian and Muslim leaders have insisted that the neither anti-balaka nor ex-Seleka can credibly claim to represent either faith.
 
What are the anti-balaka’s links with the army? 
After the coup, many members of the former government army, known by its French acronym, FACA, joined the anti-balaka. In the prefecture of Lobaye, all anti-balaka commanders there came from FACA, residents told IRIN.
 
People whose families have peacefully lived in the country for centuries are being forced to leave, or are fleeing the very real threat of violence against them 
On 14 January, a few days after post-coup president Michel Djotodia stepped down, hundreds of men, many of whom had fought as anti-balaka, showed up for duty at FACA headquarters. Hundreds more have since appeared at morning assemblies. How many of them were bona fide soldiers before the coup, and how many still consider themselves members of anti-balaka, is not clear. 
 
Anti-balaka spokesmen have called for members to be integrated into the army “with appropriate rank” or given demobilization packages.
 
Earlier this month, minutes after newly installed interim president, Catherine Samba-Panza, addressed an inaugural parade of re-launched FACA, a dozen of them set on a suspected ex-Seleka in their midst and kicked him to death, in full view of international media. No arrests have been made. 
 
In Lobaye, the anti-balaka - many wearing military uniforms but without FACA insignia - man roadblocks beside gendarmes. Amnesty International reports that the anti-balaka occupy FACA barracks in parts of the country. Asked what they think about the anti-balaka, a group of FACA soldier told IRIN: “They are our brothers. We are together against the Seleka.” 
 
What is the structure of anti-balaka? 
They are said to consist of many groups, including at least 10 in Bangui, based on the city’s arrondissements, and many others across the country. There have been no reports of anti-balaka groups fighting each other.

Two ministers in the government of ousted president Francois Bozize, Patrice Edouard Ngaissona and Joachin Kokate, claim to be the anti-balaka’s national-level political and military coordinators, respectively. Bozize has denied having a controlling hand over the group.
 
Ngaissona returned to Bangui from exile in December 2013 and has since upstaged Kokate in the media. Both he and Ngaissona have told media that the “token” anti-balaka representative in the new government, Leopold Narcisse Mbara, minister for youth and sport, was not the movement’s choice. 

Following the condemnation of anti-balaka by Soriano, Ngaissona said the movement is committed “to pacification and normalization in CAR”.
 
What threat do they pose to the population? 
According to HRW, the anti-balaka are targeting Muslims in “a relentless wave of coordinated violence that is forcing entire communities to leave the country.”
 
HRW and Amnesty International have both documented atrocities, including five massacres in western CAR last month, in which at least 180 Muslim civilians were killed, as well as other killings in Bangui. 
 
“In Bangui, anti-balaka fighters, armed with AK-47s, rocket-propelled grenade launchers and grenades attacked numerous Muslim areas, forcing the population to flee,” the HRW statement said.
 
“PK12, PK13, Miskine, and Kilo 5 - all former Muslim strongholds in Bangui - are now ghost towns, devoid of Muslim residents. Some anti-balaka militants have told Human Rights Watch that they would kill any Muslims remaining in these neighbourhoods.”
 
“Whether the anti-balaka leaders are pursuing a deliberate policy of ethnic cleansing or exacting abusive collective punishment against the Muslim population [in response to the Seleka’s atrocities], the end result is clear: the disappearance of longstanding Muslim communities,” HRW’s Bouckaert said.
 
In the town of Mbaiki, one anti-balaka leader told IRIN that young people with appropriate skills would be selected to take over shops abandoned by Muslims.

According to aid workers, most main roads in the west of the country are controlled by anti-balaka. Hundreds of aid-delivery trucks remain stuck at the Cameroonian border, their drivers too scared to proceed into CAR, where food security is seriously under threat. 
 
What are Sangaris’ and MISCA’s strategies?  
The peacekeepers are deploying more widely, but currently the French presence outside Bangui is limited to a few towns. The 1,600-strong mission says it has units at Bossangoa, Berberati, Yaloke, Boda and Mbaiki in the west (although none were at Mbaiki on 9 February) and at Bambari and Ndele in the east. MISCA has deployed nearly half its 5,500 troops and police outside Bangui, mainly in western CAR.

Both Soriano and Tumenta dismissed suggestions at the 10 February meeting that they should negotiate with the anti-balaka. But the signs are that they are not yet waging an all-out war on the movement. Aid workers report an overall lessening of tension in Bangui in the past 10 days, with some targeted killings but fewer firefights. 
 
Comments by community leaders at the 10 February meeting suggested they would prefer the peacekeepers concentrate on disarming the residual Muslim parts of town, a few small enclaves. Then people would return from the vast displacement camp at the airport, it was argued.

Nothing was said of the Muslims’ fate. Soriano argued that disarmament is happening little by little and spoke of 4,000 traditional weapons, 300 hunting rifles and many grenades collected. 
 
One speaker asked who would guarantee her security if she informed on the anti-balaka. No speaker, apart from religious leaders, denounced anti-balaka abuses.
 
What is the government’s attitude? 
President Samba-Panza has resisted pressure from the anti-balaka to include them in government, apart from the sport minister. By contrast she has included three ex-Seleka ministers in her 20-person cabinet.

In her public addresses, she has spoken openly of the need to lay down machetes and other weapons and for communities to live in harmony. But she also said that not all the anti-balaka and not all the ex-Seleka are rogues. 
 
Asked about the government’s policy for demobilizing the anti-balaka, a defence ministry source said the sports minister would ask them to comply.
 
The president has called on the international community to help CAR reconstitute its security forces. So far, France has agreed to pay for 150 gendarmes, recommended by the government, who will be armed and will collaborate with the peacekeepers.

Soriano said the government needs to draw up a list of the “real” FACA before the international community can consider paying them. The FACA was increasingly dominated by members of Bozize’s ethnic group, and the government may wish to redress that bias.
 
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