22/02/2018

Raoul Peck: "Baldwin and Marx – Same Struggle?"


Raoul Peck's words in Talkhouse about his last two great films:

Baldwin and Marx – Same Struggle?

Or a few impolite thoughts on The Young Karl Marx, by the director of that film and I Am Not Your Negro.



Any education is fundamentally compromised, if it doesn’t lead to the capacity to think for oneself.

James Baldwin and Karl Marx – the subjects of my two most recent films – were my two primary teachers; each in his own way taught me how to think, how to be, how to engage. They empowered me – then and now, here and elsewhere – to always find the necessary critical distance to analyze the seemingly perplexing issues one confronts daily. Whether it’s political, social, philosophical or even personal. They enabled me to understand the society we live in; what power means; what greed induces; what politics implies and/or why the insatiable pursuit of money cannot be the ultimate goal in life.

On a more “universal” level, they allowed me to understand and confront the reality of our present society and challenge some of its central afflictions, the more obvious ones being:
– the supposedly unstoppable race towards the cliff of economic disaster
– ecological cataclysm
– an increasing calcification and trivialization of gross inequalities
– eternal wars against terrorists and immigrants (viciously presented as interchangeable)

The entire Western world, the United States included, seems to be adapting credulously to this situation.
Coming back to Marx and his concepts is to look at the national and current hysteria from an analytical distance. And returning to the fundamental ideas of any philosophy is always enlightening.
So, how do we begin a conversation about class, profit, race and capitalism in a country where former President Obama is considered an aggressive socialist?

In 2000, I made a documentary film about capitalism entitled, Profit & Nothing But! Or Impolite Thoughts on the Class Struggle. At the time, it was almost considered a taboo, a heresy to talk about “profit” and “class struggle” in a public forum, even in liberal Europe. After the 2008 crisis, the film became less antagonistic. Even the free-market enthusiast magazine The Economist put Karl Marx in many of its headlines.

For my latest film, The Young Karl Marx, my challenge was: How can one expose, through the medium of a commercial film destined to a wider audience, the insights of the most important thinker of the past 200 years, a man who (together with Friedrich Engels) was pivotal to his century and all others after that?

How do I explain, in a very simple and concise way:
– the course of history (a bloody one, written by the momentary victors)
– the core elements of society (strained by profound inequalities)
– the characteristics of its design (exploitation)
and
– what drives it (profit)?

Or, put another way, how do I explain:
– why a multinational corporation decides, without any defendable argument, to shut down a plant supporting 5,000 people, while its profits are in the billions of dollars?
– the repetitive babble of economists (described by the late Bernard Maris, killed at the Charlie Hebdo massacre, as “all charlatans!”) about a “market,” which supposedly regulates the economy, when in fact the state saves the day, crisis after crisis (the bank bailout, they called it last time)?
– why many workers put their faith in Donald Trump as their savior when he is in fact the finest caricature of a speculative deadbeat capitalist?
– why it is so arduous for any democratically elected government to resist the billion dollar-charged pressure of special interests and lobbyists standing in the way of even the slightest changes toward more efficient regulation?

In all, how do I escape massive deficiency and ignorance?
You will find answers to all these questions in Marx’s theories. He was a genius about whom the noted thinker Raymond Aron (not a Marxist!) wrote: “A quality of Marx’s work is that it can be explained in five minutes, five hours, five years or half a century. It lends itself, in effect, to the sort of half-hour summary that might ultimately permit someone who knows nothing of the history of Marxism to lend an ironic ear to someone who has dedicated his life to its study.”

Marx is the person who explained how the dominant ideas in a given society are the ideas of the privileged exploiting class and that the ideas of this privileged class determine the thinking of the whole society. So obvious when you watch any television debate today.

Marx’s ideas have been the subject of the biggest ideological kidnapping of modern history! From the Soviet Union to China, to Cambodia, to the Berlin wall. “Protect me from the Marxist,” warned Marx himself. This is why my co-writer Pascal Bonitzer and I chose to avoid the eminent Marxian “theologists” and interpreters and went straight to the source. Our screenplay is based primarily and almost exclusively on the correspondence between Karl, his wife Jenny and Friedrich Engels. The real human beings behind the myth in their own words, wit, liveliness, humor, humanity and revolt.
The Young Karl Marx, like most of my films, is about recapturing a more solid narrative. A progressive one, if possible. It’s not about fiction. It is about reality. And as such, its intent is to impact the present reality (and possibly society as a whole).

I’m surprised that I Am Not Your Negro didn’t spark more anger and backlash after the success of its wide U.S. theatrical release. For, in this film, Baldwin does not mince his words:
“I have always been struck, in America, by an emotional poverty so bottomless, and a terror of human life, of human touch, so deep, that virtually no American appears able to achieve any viable, organic connection between his public stance and his private life. This failure of the private life has always had the most devastating effect on American public conduct, and on black-white relations. If Americans were not so terrified of their private selves, they would never have become so dependent on what they call ‘the Negro problem.’”

The problem of “alienation” in a nutshell, a subject Marx extensively worked on too.

Baldwin wrote elsewhere that “there is scarcely any hope for the American dream, because people who are denied participation in it, by their very presence, will wreck it.”

Another way to explain “class struggle” and its consequences: “The industry is compelled, given the way it is built, to present to the American people a self-perpetuating fantasy of American life. Their concept of entertainment is difficult to distinguish from the use of narcotics, and to watch the TV screen for any length of time is to learn some really frightening things about the American sense of reality.”

Baldwin puts in very vivid words the ideas Marx first developed (see also Gramsci, McLuhan and Chomsky, for starters!) about the role of the ideological metastructure in capitalism and what it does to the dominant thinking and to allow the permanent reproduction of capitalism itself in ever changing new clothes: “To look around the United States today is enough to make prophets and angels weep. This is not the land of the free; it is only very unwillingly and sporadically the home of the brave.”

Marx worked on how our perception of reality is linked to our role in the capitalist production structure and how this perception can produce exactly the contrary of its reality. “I attest to this: the world is not white; it never was white, cannot be white,” Baldwin wrote. “White is a metaphor for power, and that is simply a way of describing Chase Manhattan Bank.”

This is the most efficient and simple description of capitalism I ever read. Marxian analysis at its best. Baldwin, Marx – same struggle.

John Erskine wrote in 1915 that people had “the moral obligation to be intelligent.” This is my modest attempt at intelligence. I am not interested nor do I believe in any prosaic indoctrination. Just an incitement to read a few books, to challenge our bias and, above all, to know your history.

America, the American working class in particular, has had an extremely dynamic, rich, progressive revolutionary tradition starting with the War of Independence, through the Civil War, the rise of organized trade unions, the anti-Vietnam movement in the sixties, the civil rights movement, all the way up to today’s Black Lives Matter and the new women’s movements. Great and respected progressive thinkers in this country, including parts of the Christian church, have moved the nation forward in its quest for equality, justice and a better life for all.

The good news, finally, is that young people are once again interested in learning their history, recapturing their narrative and confronting ignorance.
The Young Karl Marx is my contribution to this discussion.

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“The emancipation of each is the condition of the emancipation of all.” 
(Karl Marx)



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Raoul Peck’s complex body of work includes feature narrative films like The Man by the ShoreLumumbaSometimes in AprilMoloch Tropical and Murder in Pacot, and documentaries such as Lumumba, Death of a ProphetDesounen, Fatal Assistance and I Am Not Your Negro. 

He is presently chairman of the board of the National French film school La Fémis, and has been the subject of numerous retrospectives worldwide. 

His latest feature film, The Young Karl Marx, is released in select theaters by The Orchard on February 23.


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link to Talkhouse's website: http://www.talkhouse.com/baldwin-marx-struggle/




SYRIE : Pour un cessez-le-feu immédiat pour sauver les civils de la Ghouta orientale




Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l’homme (FIDH)Centre syrien des médias et de la liberté de l’expression (SCM)


Syrie: le Conseil de sécurité doit décréter un cessez-le-feu immédiat pour sauver les civils de la Ghouta orientale


Paris, le 22 février 2018 - Le régime de Bachar El Assad et son allié russe écrasent depuis quelques jours les 400 000 civils – dont 100 000 enfants - de la Ghouta, enclavée et coupée du reste du monde sous les bombardements. Alors que la communauté internationale a été jusqu’à présent incapable de faire cesser les crimes de guerre et crimes contre l’humanité commis à la Ghouta et ailleurs en Syrie, nos organisations appellent le Conseil de sécurité, qui se réunit aujourd’hui, à adopter une résolution sous le chapitre VII de la charte des Nations unies, afin d’instaurer un cessez-le-feu immédiat, obtenir la levée du siège de la Ghouta et garantir un accès humanitaire inconditionnel et immédiat aux populations civiles prisonnières de la Ghouta orientale.

Depuis le 18 février, le régime de Bachar El Assad et son allié russe intensifient leurs bombardements sur les populations civiles de la Ghouta orientale, afin de reprendre coûte que coûte cette banlieue de Damas tombée aux mains des rebelles en 2012, et bombardée quasi quotidiennement depuis.Selon les organisations syriennes membres et partenaires de la FIDH, les bombardements intensifs des armées syrienne et russe auraient tué plus de 300 civils ces derniers jours. Des sources locales ont recensé 24 attaques contre des établissements de santé depuis lundi. 6 hôpitaux sont désormais hors service, d’autres n’opèrent plus que partiellement, privant les victimes de soins adéquats."Après 7 années de violence et de crimes sans interruption, le régime syrien, les forces russes et leurs alliés sont en train de commettre un nouveau crime de masse en toute impunité. La communauté internationale semble résignée à l’impuissance »déclare Mazen Darwish, président du SCM. «Il faut être clair, la région de la Ghouta et celle d’Idlib sont des enclaves où des centaines de milliers de personnes sont enfermées et piégées, condamnées à se voir bombarder de façon indiscriminée. Les responsables de ces crimes de guerre et crimes contre l’humanité devront un jour répondre de leurs actes».Coupée du monde et de toute aide humanitaire, pilonnée sans relâche, cette banlieue de Damas est privée des moyens de survie les plus basiques."Le blocage de la communauté internationale joue un rôle clé dans ces massacres. Il n’est plus l’heure de simples condamnations. Le Conseil de Sécurité de l'ONU doit agir pour l’arrêt des bombardements, la levée du siège de la Ghouta et le rétablissement de l’accès humanitaire à la population civile." a déclaré Dimitris Christopoulos, Président de la FIDH. « Dans les situations de crimes les plus grave et d’urgence humanitaire, le Conseil de sécurité doit agir ou être réformé pour ne plus se trouver paralysé par le veto des auteurs et complices des crimes en cours ».Car si la situation dans la Ghouta orientale est d’ores et déjà dramatique, elle n’est pas la seule région à faire l’objet de bombardements intensifs par des armements conventionnels et non conventionnels, prohibés par les conventions internationales. Ainsi, un déluge de feu s'abat également sur la province d’Idlib depuis le début du mois, et aurait déjà fait de nombreuses victimes, principalement des civils. Les organisations syriennes rapportent également que le régime aurait mené des attaques chimiques depuis le début de l'année, utilisant notamment du chlore.Il est impératif et urgent que les organisations humanitaires dont notamment les convois des Nations Unies puissent avoir un accès sans entrave aux populations civiles de la Ghouta Orientale, à Idlib, et dans le reste du pays.A la lumière des récentes informations recueillies par ses organisations partenaires, la FIDH et SCM appellent toutes les parties au conflit, et particulièrement les autorités politiques et militaires syriennes, russes et iraniennes, à respecter les obligations qui leur incombent en vertu du droit international humanitaire et des résolutions de l'ONU, et en particulier à :
- Mettre fin aux bombardements et aux attaques indiscriminées contre les civils ;- Garantir sans restriction l’accès du Comité International de la Croix rouge à toute zone assiégée et bombardée, et notamment à la Ghouta ;- Garantir une assistance humanitaire à la population civile ;- Lever les sièges de toutes les villes syriennes concernées.Alors que l'Envoyé Spécial pour la Syrie Staffan De Mistura demande qu’une nouvelle série de pourparlers se tiennent à Genève, il est urgent que la communauté internationale le soutienne afin de trouver une solution politique au conflit syrien.La FIDH et SCM réitèrent que toute violation du droit international est un obstacle essentiel à tout processus de paix et rappellent que la société civile syrienne doit être intégrée à toute recherche de paix durable en Syrie.


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"Windrush: Songs in a Strange Land" at the British Library from June



Windrush: Songs in a Strange Land

Fri 1 Jun – Sun 21 Oct 2018

Windrush: Songs in a Strange Land
A free exhibition
Welcomed by some as ‘Sons of Empire.’ Vilified by those spreading fears of a ‘black invasion.’ 70 years since the Empire Windrush carried hundreds of migrants to London, hear the Caribbean voices behind the 1940s headlines. Why did people come? What did they leave behind? And how did they shape Britain?
Learn about the Jamaican feminist poet Una Marson, who became the first black woman employed by the BBC. Read Trinidadian J J Thomas’s scathing rebuttal of English colonialism. See the manuscripts of Andrea Levy’s novel Small Island and Benjamin Zephaniah's poem What Stephen Lawrence Has Taught Us. And listen to the sounds of the Caribbean, from jazz and calypso to the speeches of Marcus Garvey and personal reflections from some of the first Caribbean nurses to join the NHS.

Enslavement. Colonialism. Rebellion.

Revisit 1948 and explore how the Windrush story is much more than the dawn of British multiculturalism it has come to represent.

Image: Some of the first migrants from Jamaica arrive at Tilbury on board the Empire Windrush 22 June 1948

Details

Name:Windrush: Songs in a Strange Land
Where:Entrance Hall
The British Library
96 Euston Road
London
NW1 2DB
Show map      How to get to the Library
When: - 
Opening times and visitor information
Price:Free
Enquiries:+44 (0)1937 546546
boxoffice@bl.uk

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Link to website: https://www.bl.uk/events/windrush-songs-in-a-strange-land


Feb. 21 - 'Ain't Got No, I Got Life'



Good morning, Nina. 

Born on a 21st of February, you Piscean wonder, same day as the "Communist Manifesto"... 



'Ain't Got No, I Got Life' - Nina Simone




Hello, my life.


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Just because it's too good... Another one:

Nina Simone: 'Take Me To The Water'








21/02/2018

Raoul Peck Speaks On "The Young Karl Marx"


Interview with Build Series ahead of the release of the film this Friday in North America:


02.20.18

Raoul Peck Speaks On "The Young Karl Marx"





Written and directed by Raoul Peck, "The Young Karl Marx" follows a 26-year-old writer, researcher and radical named Karl Marx as he embarks, with his wife Jenny, on the road to exile in an age that has created both new prosperity and new problems.

In Paris in 1844 they meet young Friedrich Engels, the well-to-do son of a factory owner whose studies and research has exposed the poor wages and worse conditions of the new English working class.

Together, between censorship and police raids, riots and political upheavals, they will preside over the birth of the labor movement turning far-flung and unorganized idealists and dreamers into a united force with a common goal.

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20/02/2018

...on the road to “The Communist Manifesto”


An interesting, intellectual and objective review of our film:

“The Young Karl Marx” on the road to “The Communist Manifesto”

February 20, 2018 10:57 AM CST  BY ERIC A. GORDON



From left, Vicky Krieps as Jenny Marx, August Diehl as Marx, and Stefan Konarske as Engels.

The Communist Manifesto, written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the early months of 1848, is among the most read, most widely translated and most highly influential documents in human history. No person with any pretense of understanding the modern world can honestly consider themselves educated without some familiarity with this seminal revolutionary text.
A new film, The Young Karl Marx, explores the world of radical European thinkers and activists in the 1840s, an era of intensified political crisis, as they scuttle back and forth between Germany, France, Belgium, and England in search of safety and livelihood, and as they sharpen their ideological wits.

The film principally revolves around the question, At what point did so-called “scientific” socialism separate out from other strands of political thought, such as anarchism, libertarianism (in its 19th-century definition), cooperativism, universal brotherhood, utopianism, nationalism, nihilism, historical materialism, apocalyptic Christianity and other philosophical currents?
This question is inherently of substantive interest, and one wonders why film has not previously contributed much about the lives of these indispensable historical figures. Perhaps some long-forgotten items on this theme will yet surface in the cinematography archives of the late socialist countries of the Soviet Bloc, but I suspect that socialist filmmakers were always more concerned about making art that would illuminate current or past class and labor struggles than in delving into the semantics of polemical dialectics from two centuries ago.

Enter the original, pathbreaking filmmaker Raoul Peck, hailed for his 2016 documentary I Am Not Your Negro about James Baldwin, and for previous films about Patrice Lumumba and other topics. The director, screenwriter and producer was born in Haiti and raised in Congo, the U.S. and France. He attended university in Berlin, where a four-year course on Marx’s three-volume Das Kapital was part of his education, alongside heady debate around the work of such thinkers as Herbert Marcuse, Theodor Adorno, Jürgen Habermas, Max Horkheimer, Jean-Paul Sartre, Raymond Aron and others. He possesses the breadth of personal experience, as well as the ideological preparation, to take on as a dramatic treatment the creation of The Communist Manifesto.

Based on thorough historical research, especially into the lively correspondence between Marx and Engels in the 1840s, Peck’s film nevertheless avoids didacticism. The two budding scholars appear here in a kind of symbiotic “bromance” (that moviegoing audiences have come to love), alongside their life partners, wife Jenny Marx and companion Mary Burns, who have active, participatory roles in the boys’ intellectual development. Jenny pokes some good-natured fun at her husband and his new friend, who in 1844 are preparing a polemical rejoinder to the Young Hegelians: She suggests they call it “Critique of Critical Critique.” Yes, some of those debates could get kind of gnarly!

Peck is uninterested in the aged, gray-bearded Marx with the bothersome boils on his tush acquired from years of reading in the British Library; here, in his late 20s, he is all quick with the repartee, given to the occasional drinking bout, the political exile bounding through back alleys escaping the police, passionate lover and adoring young father of two, and by now already becoming financially dependent on his younger, far wealthier friend.

Nor is Peck concerned—not in his film anyway—with what later generations, movements and states made of Marxism. Here he reminds us of the youthful, fresh, emancipatory, clearly and elegantly reasoned and poetically rendered impulse to revolution that has inspired billions of working men and women ever since 1848.

It somehow comes as no brutal shock to see that in those days too, writers were censored, promises of payment were slighted, editors arrested and publications banned.

It’s probably irreversible that history favors Marx as the senior partner to Engels, yet the latter’s singular work on his own, apart from his collaboration with Marx, is far more than a footnote. It was Engels’ own work, The Condition of the Working Class in England, published in 1845, which, based on personal observations and research in Manchester, informed Marx of the factual, material research out of which theory must grow. And it was Engels who introduced Marx, then a new refugee in England, to the writings of the British economists, such as David Ricardo and Adam Smith, who did much to establish theories of labor and value.

“Property is theft” has become one of the oft-quoted slogans of the anti-authoritarian left, seen on T-shirts worldwide. It derives from the writing of French anarchist Joseph Proudhon, who figures in The Young Karl Marx as the protagonist’s foil. The idea is represented on-screen in the opening shots, where peasants gathering firewood in the forest are mercilessly hunted down by armed horsemen protecting the landowners’ “property.” Proudhon is shown surrounded by his admiring acolytes, and both Marx and Engels genuinely do admire him. But in the course of dialectical sparring with Marx, Proudhon’s slogan is revealed to be bombastic and romantic, abstract and confusing. Whose property? And if property is indeed theft, then what is theft? One step along the road to the further refinement of socialist ideology.

Further debates within the halls of the radical League of the Just show the poverty of empty posturing without a firm ideological and material foundation—a problem that carries through all the way to the present. (“Republicans and Democrats are simply two wings of the same capitalist party”—so then we get Donald Trump, thank you very much!) The vague sentimentality of their banner “All Men Are Brothers” (which ignores the question of opposing classes) in time and through struggle gives way to the revolutionary call, “Workers of the World, Unite” (which also, significantly, resolves the gender problem).

The historical dialectical materialist theory that the successor Communist League embraced would help forestall adventurous plans, such as the League of the Just had entertained, to raise an international proletarian army to crush the bourgeoisie. The crushing, and the ensuing disillusionment, would certainly have gone the other way, as happened with the famous Revolution of 1830 memorialized by Victor Hugo in Les Misérables (novel, film, and musical). Action without correct theory is futile, and often worse.

If viewers comes to this film for the biopic—lush cinematography, sensitive lighting effects, well appointed interiors, period costumes, and attractive leads—they won’t be disappointed. Scenes of urban poverty and life among the lowlifes—not unlike what one might see on the Skid Rows of dozens of American cities today—convey the depths of immiseration the all-important profit motive created in the Industrial Revolution. In England at that time, the Irish were the despised and superexploited underclass, and Peck makes us aware of this fact in generous helpings.

Engels, as most Marxists are aware, was the privileged son of the owners of textile mills in England, and was not oblivious to the irony in the contrast between his pro-working-class thinking and his income. He is shown in constant rebellion against his father (Peter Benedict). The strikingly filmed factory scenes are powerful reminders that working people have always endured the most dangerous and humiliating conditions, including then ubiquitous child labor, if they are to try and keep body and soul together. One point that might have been clarified (unless I missed it) was the source of the cotton for the mills—most of it from Southern U.S. slave plantations, no?

The acting is excellent throughout. August Diehl plays Marx, and Stefan Konarske, Engels. Jenny Marx is played by Vicky Krieps, and Mary Burns by Hannah Steele (whose dialogue is strangely recorded at so low a level to be incomprehensible at times). Proudhon is played by Olivier Gourmet, and Wilhelm Weitling, a Christian proto-communist, by Alexander Scheer. The actors speak in German, French and English according to place, time and interlocutor. Subtitles are provided.

The closing montage, distantly reminiscent of early Soviet cinematography, is a fast-moving but thoughtful index of Marxist imagery that today’s audiences will find readily familiar, accompanied by Bob Dylan’s “Like a Rolling Stone.”

Two visionary young men, ages 30 and 27 upon publication of the Manifesto, set out to alter the course of history. Don’t be afraid of the polemics; they only set the scene for a very human, intimate drama that just so happens to have changed the world. See the trailer here.

The Young Karl Marx (Le jeune Karl Marx)
Directed by Raoul Peck
Screenplay by Pascal Bonitzer and Raoul Peck
2017, 118 minutes
Opens in New York and Los Angeles February 23


Eric A. Gordon 
Eric A. Gordon is the author of a biography of radical American composer Marc Blitzstein, co-author of composer Earl Robinson’s autobiography, and the translator (from Portuguese) of a memoir by Brazilian author Hadasa Cytrynowicz. He holds a doctorate in history from Tulane University. He chaired the Southern California chapter of the National Writers Union, Local 1981 UAW (AFL-CIO) for two terms and is director emeritus of The Workmen's Circle/Arbeter Ring Southern California District. In 2015 he produced “City of the Future,” a CD of Soviet Yiddish songs by Samuel Polonski.
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Link to the website:

http://www.peoplesworld.org/article/the-young-karl-marx-on-the-road-to-the-communist-manifesto/


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"Everything must change"


"Everything must change".
Absolute truth.
Nina Simone is my gospel.


Nina Simone - 'Everything Must Change'





Album Baltimore (1978) 

Written by Benard Ighner



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Lyrics:


Everything must change

Nothing stays the same

Everyone will change No one, no one stays the same

The young become the old 

And mysteries do unfold

For that's the way of time

No one, and nothing goes unchanged

There are not many things in life one can be sure of

Except rain comes from the clouds

Sun lights up the sky 

Hummingbirds fly

Winter turns to spring 

A wounded heart will heal 

Oh, but never much too soon

No one, and nothing goes unchanged

The young become the old 

And mysteries do unfold 

For that's the way of time

No one, and nothing stays unchanged

There are not many things in life one can be sure of

Except rain comes from the clouds

Sun lights up the sky

Hummingbirds fly

Rain comes from the clouds 

Sun lights up the sky 

Hummingbirds fly

Rain comes from the clouds 

Sun lights up the sky

Hummingbirds fly

Everything must change



19/02/2018

"No Place for Self-Pity, No Room for Fear"



Words from an amazing writer in this time of regression...

With an eye to the various brokennesses of the world, past and present, Morrison writes:

No Place for Self-Pity, No Room for Fear: Toni Morrison on the Artist’s Task in Troubled Times

“Like failure, chaos contains information that can lead to knowledge — even wisdom.”



This is precisely the time when artists go to work. There is no time for despair, no place for self-pity, no need for silence, no room for fear. We speak, we write, we do language. That is how civilizations heal.
I know the world is bruised and bleeding, and though it is important not to ignore its pain, it is also critical to refuse to succumb to its malevolence. Like failure, chaos contains information that can lead to knowledge — even wisdom. Like art."

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Toni Morrison (Courtesy Alfred A. Knopf)
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Link to Brainpickings:

https://www.brainpickings.org/2016/11/15/toni-morrison-art-despair/ 


"I Am Not Your Negro" wins 'Best Documentary' at the BAFTA Film Awards 2018


As a member of the small but brilliant team of Velvet Film, I am so proud and so thrilled!! I Am Not Your Negro is an amazing film about James Baldwin, the fight for our rights and the power of writing. Long live Raoul Peck and his cinema!



"I Am Not Your Negro" wins Documentary 

EE BAFTA Film Awards 2018




Published on 18 Feb 2018

Raoul Peck collects the award for Documentary.


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What's wrong with "Francophonie"


 Good morning everyone.
Starting the week with my writing to proofread, the question of language and literature is quite accurately and acutely on my mind.

The reasons I write increasingly in English are multiple. The first one is that I have readers in English-speaking countries where French is hardly spoken. First and foremost the UK but also the US, English-speaking African countries, Russia, Poland, Brazil, Turkey, etc. The second is that it can reach many more people on a wider scale of countries, with less border issues. Another reason is that I don't support the system of 'francophonie'.

Hence this article, by The Gardian:


Macron's crusade for French language bolsters imperialism – Congo novelist

Mon 19 Feb 2018 

Club of French-speaking countries needs total overhaul, says novelist Alain Mabanckou
 
Alain Mabanckou argues la francophonie allows France too much power over former colonies. Photograph: Hannelore Foerster/Getty Images
Alain Mabanckou, the acclaimed Congolose writer, has rejected Emmanuel Macron’s project to boost French-speaking worldwide, calling instead for a complete overhaul of the club of French-speaking countries known as la Francophonie, which he warned had become an instrument of French imperialism propping up African dictators.
The institutional network of French-speaking countries “cannot continue as it is today because it goes against everything we ever dreamed of”, Mabanckou told the Guardian in Nantes, where he was artistic director of the Atlantide world literary festival this weekend.
“It is not – and it has never been – the great common melting pot that would ensure cultural freedom and courteous exchange. Today it is one of the last instruments that allows France to say it can still dominate the world, still have a hold over its former colonies.”
The award-winning novelist, 51, is hailed as one of the world’s best writers in French — winner of France’s top Renaudot literary prize and a professor at the University of California, Los Angeles. On Martin Luther King day, Mabanckou published an open letter to Emmanuel Macron refusing to work on the French president’s new plans to boost the French-speaking world. Since then, other writers and have joined him criticising what they warn is France’s imperialist and out-of-touch approach.
The French president has promised a project next month to reinvigorate the “Francophonie”, the official grouping of over 50 countries across the world — from Senegal to Canada via Belgium, Madagascar and Mauritius — where French is an official or significant language.
When Macron announced in a speech to students in Burkina Faso in November that French could within decades be “the number one language in Africa and maybe even the world” and that it fell to young Africans to defend it, he underestimated the cultural row that would ensue.
French is the sixth most spoken language in the world — after Mandarin Chinese, English, Hindi, Spanish and Arabic — and there are now more French-speakers outside France than inside it. With population growth, there will be over 700 million French speakers by 2050, 80% of them in Africa.
Macron, 40, who was born long after most French colonies became independent in the 1960s, presents himself as turning his back on the old system known as françafrique – in which kickbacks, petrodollars and privileged relations defined Paris’s foreign policy towards its former colonies in Africa. He has appointed as his “personal representative” to the grouping of French-speaking countries, the award-winning French-Moroccan novelist Leïla Slimani.
But there has been a backlash against Macron from global French-language writers, after Mabanckou accused him of failing to go far enough in transforming the official group of French speaking-countries. They say Macron should tear down and totally reinvent the cosy institutional club.
Mabanckou, who has French and Congolese citizenship, warned that the network’s international summits allowed French leaders to have quiet meetings with African dictators and be “uselessly complicit” with despots.
“You can’t talk about the French-speaking world if you don’t ask the question of democracy in Africa,” he said. “There’s an incongruity in wanting to talk about defending the French language and then holding summits when we’re still in dictatorships in countries that speak French. And today, there are more countries that are dictatorships in the French-speaking world than the English-speaking world.”
Civil society groups in countries like Chad, Congo-Brazzaville, Gabon, Guinea and Togo have warned against the trampling of democratic rights.
Mabanckou argued that the world club of French-speaking countries was “still defined by France, from a diplomatic point of view” as a continuation of hazy, old foreign policy ideas, a way of “sustaining French imperialism”.
He also warned of a damaging literary divide that had not been bridged. He lamented that while English-language literature had embraced its global diversity, France has been slow to do so. In some commercial bookshops in France, key French-language writers, even with joint French nationality, were being placed on “foreign literature” shelves. He regretted what he called the Paris hierarchy’s tendency to look down on global French-language writers, set them apart and consider them as “authors who write with an accent”.
“Today Hanif Kureishi is as valid as any other writer in English,” Mabanckou said. “But in France we’re still at that delicate distinction in literature. In other words, discrimination is not just social, it’s also literary.”
Mabanckou said it was a lost opportunity that global French-language literature was currently not taught on the national curriculum in French schools and yet it was thriving at US universities and widely translated into English, such as the work of the acclaimed late Ivory Coast novelist Ahmadou Kourouma or the French-Lebanese Amin Maalouf.
He felt the challenges to the institutional club of French-speaking countries were part of an “end of an epoque” mood, where all institutions “that serve as a reminder of colonial domination” were being questioned, including the CFA franc – a currency pegged to the euro used in 14 African countries, which some have criticised for being a relic of colonialism.
For Mabanckou the solution would be to create a new partnership in the French-speaking world led by civil society, writers and artists that did more to protect local African languages, was more supportive of freedom of travel and breaking down borders. In his opening speech at the Atlantide festival, he talked of a French-speaking world where no one would be seen as “foreign” or need a visa.
Macron’s representative Leila Slimani insisted at a convention on the French-speaking world in Paris last week that she wanted to modernise global French, open up the language with “real objectives in terms of human rights, gender equality and the defence of democracy.”

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